2008 November « Pakistan Historian

November 21, 2008

The Pakistani Rupee: Origins and history

Filed under: History of Pakistan,Post independence — The Editors @ 1:56 am
Tags: History of Pakistani Rupee

HISTORY AND ORIGINS OF THE PAKISTANI RUPEE
The origins or the nomenclature and motifs on the Pakistani coins have their origins in the confluence of Greek Bactria and Buddhist Kushan empires in Pakistani Potowar and North West Frontier Province (NWFP), in the Nizam’s Hydrabadi (Deccan) “sikkas” as well as Mughal Emperor Shah Alam’s design of the thistle garnishing our crests.

The topography around Taxila is complicated as it has been much affected by the uplift of the Karakoram ranges, and by local folding during Quaternary times. The site occupies a central place in the enclave formed coalescing valleys of the two streams. The main route from Pakistan to Central Asia and China which follows the open fertile corridor Cholistan to Karrakrrum Hills divides at Txila. One path leads to Tibet and China, the other to Central Asia and one to the Indus Valley (The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States By Frank Raymond Allchin)

To trace the origins of the rupees, one has to drive about fifty miles from Islamabad and visit the Taxila museum. Some of numismatics’ most celebrated rarities – including the original Rupee coin – are displayed in an exhibit open to the public at the Taxila Museum.This is where the original rupee was minted and this is where it is saved. Taxila was the capital of the Pakistani Ghandara civilization which grew out of Hellenistic influences on Kasniska Buddhist empire. The rupee grew out of the clash of Bactria and Kushan empire.

Originally the rupee was divided into 16 annas, 64 paise, or 192 pies. Half a Rupee was 8 Annas (Athanni), and a quarter rupees was called “Chawanni” (or a Quarter). It is 100% accurate is sometimes called “correct as in 16 annas).

ORIGINS OF THE WORD RUPEE: The origins of the word Rupees can be traced back to the language spoken in Pakistan around 6th century B.C. Rup, rupa,,,,However a deep investigation shows that the word has Arabic origins for the ocngugation of the Arabic word for Silver “Qasaf”. Jewlellers even today are called “Sarrafs”

ORIGINS OR CURRENCY IN ANCIENT PAKISTAN: 5000 years ago the currency in vogue on what is today Pakistan was called the “Kauri”. These were special shells only available on the Mekran coast. The authorities at the time monopolized the supply of the “Kauri” and used it as currency. The “Kauri” along with the Harappan seals have been found as far as Hawai, and in many parts of the MiddleEast and Africa.

KUSHAN KUNIOS: The early Kushan coins had Greek on them

6th Century Rupee: Both gold and silver coins were issued during the 5th and 6th centuries AD by the Gupta dynasty; the gold coins were called Dinars and the silver coins, Rupaka. Eight Rupakas were equal to half a dinar. But curiously the widespread existence of gold and silver coins of the Gupta era almost disappeared from the seventh century onwards. There were some silver coins in south-eastern Bengal..
Indeed, markings on the Gupta coins provide information about religious rites while those dating back to Kanishka’s time feature Iranian goddesses and Zoroastrian concepts, suggestive of the multicultural stands that shaped India’s cultural fabric.

TUGHLAQS CURRENCY: Muhammad Bin Tughlaq tried to issue copper coins backed by the Gold reserves, but this policy failed because of millions were forged and distributed. In 1833, the nomenclature of British Bengal became British India and Bengal became one of the provinces of British India; Calcutta being the imperial capital.

Cowrie kept its dominant position in the rural areas where transactions were basically of small scale
SURIS CALLED IS RUPEE: The derivative word Rūpaya was used to denote the coin introduced by Sher Shah Suri during his reign from 1540 to 1545 CE. The original Rūpaya was a silver coin weighing 175 grains troy (about 11.34 grams) .

MUGHALS CALLED IT RUPEE: The Mughals called their currency Rupee.
The rural sector was governed partly by cowrie and partly by direct exchange in kind and services. The exchange system of goods against goods, service against service and labour against labour operated quite efficiently.

The most significant monetary contribution of the Mughals was to bring about uniformity and consolidation of the system of coinage throughout the Empire. The system lasted long after the Mughal Empire was effectively no more. The system of tri-metalism which came to characterise Mughal coinage was largely the creation, not of the Mughals but of Sher Shah Suri (1540 to 1545 AD), an Afghan, who ruled for a brief time in Delhi. Sher Shah issued a coin of silver which was termed the Rupiya. This weighed 178 grains and was the precursor of the modern rupee. It remained largely unchanged till the early 20th Century. Together with the silver Rupiya were issued gold coins called the Mohur weighing 169 grains and copper coins called Dam

If not entirely, but largely this barter feature of the economy gave way to exchange through money during the Mughal period. Foreigners, particularly maritime companies of Europe, began to come by sea routes to participate in the Bengal export trade from the beginning of the Mughal rule. They came with bullion to buy Bengal merchandise because, their products had practically no market here. Large-scale import of silver and other treasures gave the Mughal government an opportunity to stimulate its economy backed by a broad-based currency system. Mint towns were established in Dhaka, Murshidabad and Patna where bullion was brought by shroffs for coining according to approved weights and fineness. The Mughal currency was named Rupee (from Rupa or Rupaiya).

All rupees coined under the reigning king were called Siccas. The Sicca Ruppee contained about 175 grains of silver. The Sicca Rupee had an important political content. On the accession of a new emperor to the throne, the rupees of the former regime were declared sanaut (devalued) and were made subject to a batta (discount). The sanaut rupee was not received into the royal treasury even on discount. In the money market there was a professional class of money changers called shroffs or sarrafs who bought the sanaut rupees at a batta and took them to royal mint for recoining the bullion into Sicca Rupees.
“Emperor Akbar issued coins on Ram and Sita,” revealed Bhandare. “Then there was Mohammad Ghauri, seen usually in negative fanatical terms, who issued coins with Goddess Lakshmi on them.

Jehangir gold mohurs have 12 signs of the zodiac

Coins of Shah Alam II had Urdu inscriptions surrounded by motifs of holly, shamrock and thistle!” This is the same thistle that garnishes all Pakistani currency and the Pakistani crest.

British Raj: In 1833, the nomenclature of British Bengal became British India and Bengal became one of the provinces of British India; Calcutta being the imperial capital.The silver coin was in used during the British Raj.The use of the Rupee was not confined to the Subcontinent its usage went as far as Arabia and even Africa, Somalia, Kenya all parts of the British “Indian Empire” at one time or the other. As part of the adoption of the Metric system, President Ayub Khan decimalized the currency in 1961even thugh sri Lanaka had already done so almost a hundred years earlier.

Among the earliest issues of paper rupees were those by the Bank of Hindostan (1770-1832), the General Bank of Bengal and Bihar (1773-75, established by Warren Hastings), the Bengal Bank (1784-91), amongst others.

Notes issued by the Bank of Bengal can be categorised in the following three series.
Unifaced series: The early notes of the Bank of Bengal were printed only on one side and were issued as one gold mohur and in denominations of Rs. 100, Rs. 250, Rs. 500, etc.

Commerce series: Later notes had a vignette representing an allegorical female figure personifying ‘commerce’. The notes were printed on both sides. On the obverse the name of the bank and the denominations were printed in three scripts, viz., Urdu, Bengali and Devanagari. On the reverse of such notes was printed a cartouche with ornamentation carrying the name of the Bank.

Brittania series: By late 1800s, the motif ‘commerce’ was replaced by ‘Britannia’. The new banknotes had more features to prevent forgery

HYDRABAD RUPEE: The currency was designated the Osmania Sicca (OS). One and five rupee notes were subsequently issued in 1919 and one thousand rupee notes were issued in 1926. After the setting up of the India Currency Notes Press at Nasik, Hyderabad notes came to be printed there.
Hyderabad continued to mint its own coins until 1948, when the state was absorbed into India. In 1950, the Indian rupee was introduced alongside the local currency, with the relationship of 7 Hyderabad rupees = 6 Indian rupees being used. In 1951, the Hyderabad rupee ceased to be issued and the Indian rupee became the main circulating currency, although the Hyderabad rupee was not demonetized until 1959

The COWRIE (Kadi) shell had been in use as the smallest unit of currency all throughout ancient times. The use of cowrie as medium was there in the rural areas even in the late nineteenth century, even afterwards, in some places. Cowrie was then obtained from Maldive in exchange of rice

MODERN RUPEE BASED ON SILVER: The rupee was a silver based currency. This had severe consequences in the nineteenth century, when the strongest economies in the world were on the gold standard. The discovery of vast quantities of silver in the U.S. and various European colonies resulted in a decline in the relative value of silver to gold. Suddenly the standard currency of India could not buy as much from the outside world. This event was known as “the fall of the Rupee.”
Sources: Banglapdia, Wikipedia, Dictionary

History of Urdu

Filed under: History of Pakistan — The Editors @ 12:44 am
Tags: History of Urdu

HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE SYSTEMS OF THE SUBCONTINENT

History of Urdu

Moin Ansari

The subcontinent of South Asia is rich in cultural diversity and is made of many races, nationalities, and religions. It is the birth place of at least two of the major religions on the planet, and the nursing ground of many of the worlds languages. Tracing the genealogy of a language is as easy as driving through a minefield. One has to avoid religious dogma and xenophobia. It is said that South Asian may have as many as 114 different dialects. Many of the South Asian languages fall into distinct language groups.

South East Asia too has many language families. For example modern Nippon has

1) The Kanji The Chinese based Japanese language

2) The Japanese language

3) The “Gaigin” or foreign language based Japanese (i.e hamburger-maru).

THE SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND THE INDO-IRANIAN LANGUAGES
World linguists divide the world into these major language groups:

1) The Indo-Iranian group of languages
2) Indic Group of languages
3) The Semitic Group of languages
4) The Latin Group of languages
5) The Chinese Group of languages
6) The American Group of languages
7) The African Group of languages
8) Other

Arabic is a ‘Semitic’ language. The other major member of the Semitic group of languages is ‘Hebrew’. Except for the Mekran coast and Sind the Arab influence on the subcontinent has been minimal. As such it is not surprising that Urdu does not use the Arabic script. Urdu uses the Persian script (subtle differences in vowel “liaison”, fonts, alphabets, pronunciation,joining,sounds…. not readily understood by the casual observer. Many subcontinental languages including Pushto, Baluchi, Persian etc. all belong to Indo-Iranian group of languages.

THE SOUTH ASIAN LANGUAGE SYSTEMS
Like Japan the South Asian subcontinent may have three traceable language systems.

1) The original languages of the IVC. The archaic pictographic Harappan based
languages that thrived in the basin of the Indus and today survive in South
India (though the pictographic script is lost) etc.

2) The languages that were imported into the subcontinent like Farsi, Arabic and Sanskrit

3) The Brahmini based languages that thrived elsewhere in the subcontinent.

Depending on the theory that you accept these language families may or may not belong to group two.

NORTHERN “INDIA” THE CULTURAL CAPITAL OF SOUTH ASIA SPAWNS URDU
Even though she is a thousand years old, Urdu is considered a young language. This multi-cultural South Asian language, rich in literature, and history can be understood by millions around the world. Urdu is a Turkish word (Ordu) that translates to “lashkar” an “army camp” or an “army caravan”. The English word “horde” is of the same origin. The language developed as a means of communication between the soldiers of different nationalities who served under the kings.

Urdu started out as an army “language” where people of different religions and nationalities mixed together and wanted to talk to each other. Out of the cauldron, a new language and a new culture came into existence. This new culture centered around Lucknow and Delhi, in Northern India is responsible for the renaissance, growth and proliferation of art, painting, music, and architecture of pre-British South Asia. The culture born of the confluence of many languages and many religions exuded a sophistication now found in the North Indian and Pakistani population. The emperors, kings, rajahs, nawabs and badshahs of the region supported with gold and silver the poetry and the literature that was an essential part of their court.

The new languages were very instrumental in the transformation of the nationalities and races that inhabited the Northern part of the South Asian subcontinent. Many South Asian languages, Kashmiri, Gujjar, Punjabi, Gujrati and Hindi are very similar to Urdu, and have a lot of commonalities with Urdu.

Urdu is a mixture of languages including Persian, Arabic and Turkish. Today the Urdu language is the national language of the republic of Pakistan and is a constitutionally recognized language of the republic of India. Some Indian states also recognize Urdu as a state language. Indian occupied Kashmir has voted for Urdu as the state langugage. All provinces of Pakistan voted to accept Urdu as the provincial languages. In countries neighboring India and Pakistan the language is understood and appreciated. The language is understood in many Persian Gulf countries and Mauritius, Fiji, South Africa, East Africa, Maldives, and a large immigrant population in Europe and America.

Dr. Munawar Anees adds: “There is at least one Urdu daily out of London but none in Hindi…and there is a Urdu daily coming out from the Gulf; several dozen monthly, quarterly and annual magazines published by the immigrant community”.

In actuality there are more than one Urdu dailies in England, and several weeklies from New York and Los Angeles and many cities have periodicals. Some of the best supporters are Sikhs and Hindus.

Of the many things that are common to the subcontinent, Urdu is surely one of them. Perhaps this bridge can be used to bring peace to our poverty ridden region. The following pages will trace the history of the many languages that encompass the subcontinent.

Urdu is written in the Arabic script like Farsi,. Javi, Maldivian, Old Turkish, several Central Asian languages, Pashto, Baluchi, Western Gurmukhi Punjabi.

PERSIAN AND INDIC GROUP OF LANGUAGES
According to many linguists, Pushto and Baluchi, including Persian , belong to the Iranian group of languages and Punjabi, Hindi, Urdu, Gujarati etc. belong to Indic languages. However this is not clearly defined. Most linguists claim that Urdu is not a ‘form’ of Persian. Many linguist claim that Urdu and Persian have different syntax, phonology, and morphology. However some linguists proclaim that both Persian and Urdu belong to the Indo-European group of languages and have a common base. Punjabi and Urdu speakers can clearly understand and comprehend Persian where as Gujrati and Hindi speakers cannot understand Persian and Arabic. Urdu because of its rich heritage can be conjugated in different ways. It can be conjugated in the Sanskrit manner, or the Persian or the Arabic manner.

THE HISTORY OF URDU AND OTHER LANGUAGE SYSTEMS IN SOUTH ASIA
by Moin-Ansari

اردو ھے جس کا نام ھمي جانتے ھین داغ

سارے جہاں میں دھوم ھماري زبان کي ھے

Urdu hai jis ka naam hamin jaantay hain Daagh
Saray jahan main dhoom hamari zaban ki hai!!!

URDU
Urdu is a language spoken and understood by about a billion people on this planet. It is one of the major languages of Asia. It however remains almost totally unknown in the West, especially America. This apathy about Urdu is partly due the fact that the Subcontinent is largely ignored in matters of culture and edification. The Lingua Franca of Northern India is understood by every sixth person on this planet. The resilience of this wonderful language is almost unprecedented. The language crosses culture, religion, creed, caste and national boundaries. With some official patronage in the land of its birth, the language is known by many names. Urdu is spoken in the far corners of the globe.

The original and formal full name of the language is Zaban-e-Urdu-e-Mualla. The long title has been shortened to the nick name Urdu. Urdu papers are published from all major cosmopolitan centers of the planet, New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, London, Bradford, Manchester, Toronto, Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Islamabad, Lahore, Delhi, Karachi, Srinagar, and hundreds of other cities. Urdu language radio broadcast inundate the airwaves on Short-wave, Medium-wave and FM. Today the language is encroaching the Internet. From the shopping malls of Singapore, to the skyscrapers of Dubai, from the jungles of Nairobi to the beaches of Fiji, from the ski slopes of Kashmir to the streets of London, from the shops of Toronto, to the taxis of Chicago– Urdu is survives as a live and vivacious testament to its speakers.

As varied as Chinese in accent and dialect, it is understood by more people who speak Mandrin. Its history is as controversial as the history of its peoples. Almost as old as English, the language had humble beginnings as a pidgin dialect that slowly evolved into a polished language. Urdu led to the cultural unity of Northern India. It has impacted the British Empire and it effected the lingua franca of the world– English. Many of the words used in English have South Asian origins. Kabob, Sahib, Raja, Qamarband, Bazaar, Pajama, Bengal, Curry, Saffron are only some of the examples of Urdus influence on the rest of
the planet.

In any discussion of cultural and religious unity, and in any discussion of mystical Sufisim, (one of the highest forms of Islamic and religious thoughts), Urdu remains the common factor between the peoples of various religions and creeds of Northern and Western parts of the Subcontinent. According to Barbara Metcalf, (in an interesting discussion on Urdu in her book Islamic revival in India), Urdu was indeed a major factor that led to the Northern Indian Hindu-Skih-Muslim “Mughlea” culture with its lavish architecture and profound literature, and rich Indian-Middle-Eastern-Sino-Central-Asian heritage. Urdu spans religions and races. It always has and always will. It was the language of Muslim kings and Hindu rajas, and Sikh princes and Parsi courtiers. It spawned a culture and architecture that has survived centuries.

People have died for it, and people are as parochial about it as the Franco-phones are about French in Quebec. Its detractors are jealous of its popularity, and its enemies hate the phenomenal growth the language has seen.

It continues to grow day and night, sometimes at the expense of other languages and dialects.

This article tries to trace the origins or Urdu and other language systems in the South Asian Subcontinent. Though it is relatively a young language it is rich in culture, poetry and literature. This article attempts to trace the genealogy of the language and delineates the differences between Urdu and Hindi.

The article also discusses the other language systems in the South Asian Subcontinent. Let us begin by looking at the linguistic systems in the world.

THE ORIGINS OF URDU
Urdu was influenced by Persian and adopted the Persian script as opposed to the Arabic script. One of the many reasons why the language is spoken around Delhi and developed as a “lingua franca” in the first place was that it was spoken around Delhi, seat of the first and later the most extensive Muslim conquests.

Thus, its vocabulary was heavily influenced by Arabic and Persian right from the time when it began to develop as a separate language.

Mahmud of Ghazni invaded India in 1000 A.D. His second invasion was against Jaypal in 1001. At this time Persian and Arabic was introduced to the subcontinent. Firdausi is considered one of the first poets of Urdu. By the year 1100 the house of Ghaur had been established. The Muslim conquest of India had been formalized. Urdu had begun. The military camps had all sorts of people in them. When they wanted to communicate they spoke their own languages and dialects. These people communicated and gave birth to a new language. Urdu or Askasi was a Turkish word which means “lashkar” or army from a camp. Some called the language “askari” (word also means military in Turkish).

Here is another author giving us sources on the origins of Urdu:

There is evidence (presented by Baba-e Urdu or father of Urdu, Moulvi Abdul Haq) that Urdu sayings can be reliably attributed to Nizamuddin Auliya and Baba Farid Ganj Shakar, who lived in the Sultanate period. And, of course we have the vast apocryphal literature attributed to Amir Khusrau, which is in a language surprisingly close to modern Urdu.

Since Khusrau was associated with Balban’s court, it is very likely that the language was understood and spoken there. The name was eventually shortened to Urdu. From its earlier use in the sub-continent it was written in the Arabic script. Its vocabulary came from vernacular Hindi,Punjabi, Sanskarit to which were gradually added Persian, Turkish and later English words.

This is what Mansoor Khan of Cleveland, Ohio says about origins of Urdu:

“Ameer Khusro is considered by some the first Urdu poet. At his time this language was used only for some poetry purpose and was called “Rekhta” not Urdu untill Mirza Ghalib’s time. Ghalib was first Urdu prose writer in the form of letters to his friends. He called it “Urdu-e-Mu’alla” means superior Urdu to distinguish from the version spoken by masses.Ishfaq”

The Slave Dynasty of India was firmly established in India between the years 1206-1290. These were the days of the creation of URDU. The Khiljis ALSO provided Urdu a cradle in the years 1290-1320. The Tughlaqs officially used Persian as the court language but they gave Urdu the importance it deserved.

The Lodhis used Urdu as the court language. Stanley Wolpert in his book A New History of India says the following about Sikandar Lodhi (1498-1517):

” has been hailed as the wisest and most dedicated , hard working , and far-sighted sultan ever to sit upon Delhis the throne. He wrote poetry himself and invited scholars of every sort to his side, encouraging the compilation of books on medicine (Ma’dan-ul-shifa) as well as music (Lahjat-i-Sikandar-shahi)”

Urdu was given great patronage and the language clearly on the way to becoming the Lingua Franca of at least northern India. During the Lodhi era, Urdu was FIRMLY past the crib, and was in the population. With Babur’s advent he immediately recognized Urdu as the language to be dealt with. Both Babur, Sher Shah Suri and Humayun glorified the language.

Stanley Wolpert in his book A New History of India says the following about the year 1595:

“The importance of Persian cultural influence in the Mughal Empire and court can hardly be exaggerated: it was found in Akbars Sufisim but also in the reintroduction of Persian as the official language of Mughal administration and law (Persian had been used by the Tughlaqs but not the Lodis). The elegant decadence of Mughal dress, decor, manners, and morals all reflected Persian court life and custom. Mughal culture was however more than an import; by Akbars era, it had acquired something of a “national” patina, the cultural equivalent of the Mughal-Rajput alliance. The new syncretism which has come to be called “Mughlai” is exemplified by Akbar’s encouragement of Hindi literature and its development. While the Persian and Urdu languages and literature received the most royal patronage and noble as well martial attention, the emperor also appointed a poet laureate for Hindi. Raja Birbal (1528-83) was the first poet to hold the honored title, thanks to which many other young men of the sixteenth century were induced to study the northern vernacular that has now become India national tongue, helping to popularize it through their poetry and translations of Persian classics. Most popular of the Hindi works of this era was the translation of the epic Ramayana by Tulsi Das.”

This is what “Yaswant Malaiya” <mala…@cs.colostate.edu> says:

According to what I have seen, the term “Urdu” dates from Shahjahan’s time (1628 to 1658) when he built the fort in Delhi. Other terms have been used for it (Hindavi or Rekhta) but around 1850 the term Urdu was in common use.

However if we define Urdu by its basic structure, it can perhaps be dated to as far back as 13th century or so. The Farsi poet Amir Khosrow (1253-1325) wrote verses in a dialect that can be regarded to be Urdu.

Firdausi (940-1020), who wrote Shah-Nameh, was certainly a great poet, but I am not aware of him writing Urdu.

You can see a translation of Shah-Nameh at
http://www.cit.ics.saitama-u.ac.jp/hobbies/iran/shahnameh.html

However in a way, you can say that Urdu existed around 1000 AD. Many manuscripts of Apabhransha books from that period are now known. Apabhransha is regarded to be the old form of modern north Indian languages.

At the time of the birth of Urdu, Sanskrit was NOT a spoken language, it was more like Latin and Hebrew, available to scholars. The fifteenth century saw the rise of the Mughal empire (1526-1857), and these three centuries were the golden period of Urdu.

Delhi and Lucknow became centers of Urdu poets and writers. Poetry became the fond habit of the rich and the poor. Great eulogies (”qaseeda”) were written for the kings and the nawabs, and the poets were paid handsomely in gold. On the death of the loved ones great obituaries (”marseas”) were written. The sonnets in the form of “ghazzal” were written for lovers and other topics.

Around the nineteenth century, poets like Iqbal used Urdu to rile the masses against the British colonialism.

URDU AND HINDI …..WHICH CAME FIRST… THE CHICKEN OR THE EGG SYNDROME
The earliest use of Brahmini is disputed but the earliest known inscriptions in Brahmini are in the Muyara period, possibly from Chandragupta’s period found at Sohguara, Mahastan; unless we can date the Piparawa casket to right after Buddha’s cremation. Here is what an Indian historian (In an interesting article on Urdu: A Historian Looks at Hindi-Urdu Debate 8 December 1995; Copyright: India Abroad Publications) says about Urdu and Hindi:

`Hindi” and `Urdu” did not exist as languages; they were to be formed out of the myriad languages of northern India by soldiers (`Urdu’ means `language of the camp’) and others who needed a common language (over the regional tongues of the north, such as Bhojpuri, Mythali, Khari Boli, Braj, etc. Certainly, there was no relationship between a particular language and a particular religious group. The nobility (including Hindus and Muslims) preferred Persian as the tongue of the elites: common folk (including Hindus and Muslims) spoke their local languages and used local idioms which transcended religion.

In the ongoing debate over Hindi-Urdu, most commentators betray a minimal familiarity with the historical and linguistic record and yet, they can write with confidence about Hindi-Urdu.

Hindi and Urdu are modern languages: in a very real sense, their most effective development began after 1947 when they became the State languages of India and Pakistan respectively. It was after that date that Hindi was Sanskritized …”

The earliest use of the word “Hindi” was by Sharfuddin Yazdi in Zafarnama (1424). Hindi somply means zaban-e-Hind the language of Hind.

Urdu-Hindi phrase book: (http://www.gorp.com/atb/cwasia/g1146.htm)
Shams-Ul-Ulama, Maulana Mohammad Hussein Azad has done extensive research on the history of Urdu in the subcontinent. His autobiography is the autobiography of Urdu in the Punjab and in the subcontinent.

This is what “Yaswant Malaiya” <mala…@cs.colostate.edu> says:

I have seen many scholars express the view that Urdu and Hindi are basically the same language.

Language of the street is the basic language. There can be two views and one can choose one of them.

1. Some consider the right Hindi a language from which every possible Farsi/Arabic word has been replaced with a Sanskrit one. Similarly many regard Urdu as the language in which every noun is from Farsi/Arabic as much as possible. If you believe that Urdu came into existence only during late 17th century, and that it is spoken by a small minority in India and a large fraction of the Pakistanis; you can take this view.

2. Other possible view is that Urdu/Hindi is basically the same language that has many variations. There is literary Urdu, there is literary Hindi, there is common speech and there are dialects. If you take this view then Urdu/Hindi is an old language, popularly used and understood by a large population.

Many take the second view.

Here is Naufal Khan twho disagrees with the single language point of view.

This really doesn’t support your viewpoint. First of all, none of the universities (not even the ones you’ve listed) teach a single “language” called Hindi/Urdu. Many schools have Hindi/Urdu programs but they do maintain a very clear distinction between Hindi and Urdu. The elementary / very_beginner

Thus, its vocabulary was heavily influenced by Arabic and Persian right from the time when it began to develop as a separate language.

Here is another author giving us soruces on the origins of Urdu:

There is evidence (presented by Baba-e Urdu or father of Urdu, Moulvi Abdul Haq) that Urdu sayings can be reliably attributed to Nizamuddin Auliya and Baba Farid Ganj Shakar, who lived in the Sultanate period. And, of course we have the vast apocryphal literature attributed to Amir Khusrau, which is in a language surprisingly close to modern Urdu.

Since Khusrau was associated with Balban’s court, it is very likely that the language was understood and spoken there. The name was eventually shortened to Urdu. From its earlier use in the sub-continent it was written in the Arabic script. Its vocabulary came from vernacular Hindi,Punjabi, Sanskarit to which were gradually added Persian, Turkish and later English words.

This is what Mansoor Khan of Cleveland, Ohio says abot origins of Urdu:

“Ameer Khusro is considered by some the first Urdu poet. At his time this language was used only for some poetry purpose and was called “Rekhta” not Urdu untill Mirza Ghalib’s time. Ghalib was first Urdu prose writer in the form of letters to his friends. He called it “Urdu-e-Mu’alla” means superior Urdu to distinguish from the version spoken by masses. Ishfaq”

The Lodhis used Urdu as the court language. Stanley Wolpert in his book A New History of India says the following about Sikandar Lodhi (1498-1517):

” has been hailed as the wisest and most dedicated , hard working , and far-sighted sultan ever to sit upon Delhis the throne. He wrote poetry himself and invited scholars of every sort to his side, encouraging the compilation of books on medicine (Ma’dan-ul-shifa) as well as music (Lahjat-i-Sikandar-shahi)”

Stanley Wolpert in his book A New History of India says the following about the year 1595:

“The importance of Persian cultural influence in the Mughal Empire and court can hardly be exaggerated: it was found in Akbars Sufisim but also in the reintroduction of Persian as the official language of Mughal administration and law (Persian had been used by the Tughlaqs but not the Lodis). The elegant decadence of Mughal dress, decor, manners, and morals all reflected Persian court life and custom. Mughal culture was however more than an import; by Akbars era, it had acquired something of a “national” patina, the cultural equivalent of the Mughal-Rajput alliance. The new syncretism which has come to be called “Mughlai” is exemplified by Akbar’s encouragement of Hindi literature and its development. While the Persian and Urdu languages and literature received the most royal patronage and noble as well martial attention, the emperor also appointed a poet laureate for Hindi. Raja Birbal (1528-83) was the first poet to hold the honored title, thanks to which many other young men of the sixteenth century were induced to study the northern vernacular that has now become India national tongue, helping to popularize it through their poetry and translations of Persian classics. Most popular of the Hindi works of this era was the translation of the epic Ramayana by Tulsi Das.”

This is what “Yaswant Malaiya” <mala…@cs.colostate.edu> says:

According to what I have seen, the term “Urdu” dates from Shahjahan’s time (1628 to 1658) when he built the fort in Delhi. Other terms have been used for it (Hindavi or Rekhta) but around 1850 the term Urdu was in common use.

Firdausi (940-1020), who wrote Shah-Nameh, was certainly a great poet, but I am not aware of him writing Urdu.

You can see a translation of Shah-Nameh at
http://www.cit.ics.saitama-u.ac.jp/hobbies/iran/shahnameh.html

`Hindi” and `Urdu” did not exist as languages; they were to be formed out of the myriad languages of northern India by soldiers (`urdu’means `language of the camp’) and others who needed a common language (over the regional tongues of the north, such as Bhojpuri, Mythali, Khari Boli, Braj, etc. Certainly, there was no relationship between a particular language and a particular religious group. The nobility (including Hindus and Muslims) preferred Persian as the tongue of the elites: common folk (including Hindus and Muslims) spoke their local languages and used local idioms which transcended religion.

In the ongoing debate over Hindi-Urdu, most commentators betray a minimal familiarity with the historical and linguistic record and yet, they can write with confidence about Hindi-Urdu. Hindi and Urdu are modern languages: in a very real sense, their most effective development began after 1947 when they became the State languages of India and Pakistan respectively. It was after that date that Hindi was Sanskritized …”

The earliest use of the word “Hindi” was by Sharfuddin Yazdi in Zafarnama (1424). Hindi somply means zaban-e-Hind the language of Hind. Urdu-Hindi phrase book: (http://www.gorp.com/atb/cwasia/g1146.htm)

Shams-Ul-Ulama, Maulana Mohammad Hussein Azad has done extensive research on the history of Urdu in the subcontinent. His autobiography is the autobiography of Urdu in the Punjab and in the subcontinent.

This is what “Yaswant Malaiya” <mala…@cs.colostate.edu> says:

I have seen many scholars express the view that Urdu and Hindi are basically the same language.

Language of the street is the basic language. There can be two views and one can choose one of them.

1. Some consider the right Hindi a language from which every possible Farsi/Arabic word has been replaced with a Sanskrit one. Similarly many regard Urdu as the language in which every noun is from Farsi/Arabic as much as possible. If you believe that Urdu came into existence only during late 17th century, and that it is spoken by a small minority in India and a large fraction of the Pakistanis; you can take this view.

2. Other possible view is that Urdu/Hindi is basically the same language that has many variations. There is literary Urdu, there is literary Hindi, there is common speach and there are dialects. If you take this view then Urdu/Hindi is an old language, popularly used and understood by a large population.

Many take the second view.

Here is Naufal Khan twho disagrees with the single language point of view.

This really doesn’t support your viewpoint. First of all, none of the universities (not even the ones you’ve listed) teach a single “language” called Hindi/Urdu. Many schools have Hindi/Urdu programs but they do maintain a very clear distinction between Hindi and Urdu. The elementary/very_beginner level conversation courses (usually for foreigners) might lump the two together – mainly due to the smaller no. of students and absolute novice level of students where they’re pretty much at “hindi/urdu phrasebook” (that you later refer to) level – but very soon (i.e. as soon as they need to start writing and have acquired the minimal conversational skills), the two get forked.

According to many linguists the basic difference between Hindi and Urdu linguists is that Hindi-ites believe that “Kharri boli” was the language spoken by the populace of Delhi. According to Hindi-ite linguists around 1000 AD, the Delhi army used “kharrri boli” (standard Hindi) as the base language and started speaking “Urdu” and the two languages Urdu and Hindi developed side by side.

Many linguists and historians on the other hand proclaim that URDU or Askari is a language that developed as a result of the interaction between Persians, Turks, Central Asians and other people in the army. The army began speaking a language and it spread to the populace with minor variations.

Hindi and Urdu, have similar linguistic structure. Unfortunately some parochial writers consider them different languages based on ‘religion’. One Indian says the following:

“The Sanskritized Hindi is, as you say, as much of an enigma to the North Indian as it is to the South Indian or to the Bengali, and is therefore region-neutral (unlike normal, “filmi” Hindi).”

Some authors belittle the differences between Urdu and Hindi and compare them to be as unimportant as the small differences between Dutch and German. However Urdu proponents say that the two languages are conjugated differently. Even though the conjugation is not necessarily one of the main ways separating languages, conjugation DOES separate the languages from the roots. Another difference between Hindi and Urdu is, their writing system. The Muslim Sikh and many Hindu rulers, the government, the official court system and the Urdu speakers, mostly people belonging to Islamic faith (though there have been many many prolific Sikh and Hindu poets and writers) in the sub-continent, used the ‘Arabic’ script where as a section of the Hindu population kept the Sanskrit script alive and Hindi speakers have adopted the ‘Devanagari’ script.

Guru Goband Sings is a prime example of a Sikh who used and wrote not only in Urdu but also in Persian. Most of Akbars Nine gems spoke and wrote Urdu and Persian.

Here is what one Pakistani linguist says:

Persian and Urdu have the same syntax…..EXACTLY THE SAME SYNTAX. Most of the nouns are the same. The conjugation is exactly the same. I converse with my Persian friends in broken Urdu. Pushto and Baluchi is so similar that YOU cannot even tell the difference. I can understand Iqbal’s poetry in Persian by payng more attention. It is like reading DIFFICULT Urdu. Pakistan’s national anthem can be understood in BOTH languages, Urdu, and Persian.

Pushto and Balauchi are so close to Persian that we do not need any tranlations with Afghans, or Iranians. We learn the Quran from the age of five. Persian and Arabic are second languages in Pakistan. We learn them as a matter of fact.

Please refrain from telling us what the relationship of Persian and Arabic is to Urdu. You lose your credibility. Urdu was the language of the Subcontinent for the best part of the pre and post Mughal century. Hindi was never spoken during that era. Urdu was the lingua franca of Northern India during the Mughals era and remains the lingua franca of Northern India and Pakistan. The current Sanskritized version of official Indian Hindi was brought back to life by Hindu fundamentalists who wanted to revive a dead language like Latin, called Sanskrit. It has been done before with Hebrew. Urdu because of its rich heritage can be conjugated in different ways. It can be conjugated in the Sanskrit manner, or the Persian or the Arabic manner. Example. Khabar can be conjugated as Khabrain ( Sanskrit) or Ikhbar ( Arabic). Many words like KURSI or MAIZ are conjugated with Persian plural forms.

Here is what an Indian linguist says:

What we call Urdu is nothing but Hindi with more ‘borrowed’ Persian words just like Hindi having more Sanskrit words. Again Urdu speakers, mostly people belonging to ‘Islamic’ faith in the sub-continent, have adopted ‘Arabic’ script where as Hindi speakers have adopted ‘Devanagari’ script.

Hindi and Urdu, having the same linguistic structure are considered different languages based on ‘Religion’ just like Dutch and German ARE different. Just like French is different in France than the one spoken in belgian. Similarly
there are several distinct forms of Arabic.

Hindi is an ‘apabramsha’ version of ‘Pali’, the language of Buddhists, which is itself an ‘apabramsha’ variety of Classical Sanskrit, which is derived from Vedic Sanskrit.

Khari boli (standard Hindi) spoken around Delhi formed the base of the common language “adopted” by Afghans, Arabs, Persian,and Turks to “interact” with the local population.

In Hindi, “pen” is “qalam”, “newspaper” is “akhbar”, “life” is “zindegi”, etc. etc. the list goes on and on. There has been “Sanskritising” of Hindi/Urdu but it certainly isn’t complete.

This is what Dr. Vijay Prashad ithaca, NY says: (The writer is Professor of
History at Cornell University)

A Historian Looks at Hindi-Urdu Debate 8 December 1995; Copyright: India Abroad Publications Richard F. Wilcox (I.A., Sept.22 )

“seems to write from another century; when he speaks of successive `Muslim rulers,’ he does not seem to recognize that in the historical record it was not `Muslims’ who ruled in India from the 10th century to the 18th century, but Turks, Mughals, Afghans, Marattas, etc. To purse this line of argument will require separate treatment, but such loose statements reveal the lack of historical understanding which is allowed to be perpetuated in our media.”

THE BIRTH AND SPREAD OF SUFISM IN SOUTH ASIA PROPOGATED URDU
The Lingua Franca of most Sufis was Urdu. This common langugae led to the
cultural and religious unification of Norhtern India. This is what Kalim Khawaja of Ellicot City Maryland says about the advent of Islam in the South Asia (The Minaret:October 1995,Jamada II 1416)

After the establishment of the rule of Muslim kings in Northern India in the
seventh century, many Sufi saints migrated to India from West Asia. These Sufis integrated Islam in the Indian soil by adopting many prevailing indigenous Indian practices. It was that crucial effort at Indianizing Islam that soon made Islam an Indian religion and earned it a big flock from among the native inhabitants of India. These Sufis used the medium of poetry, music and social events in addition to discourses to popularize Islam.

Urdu poetry was the medium for prolyzitizing to the poor, the disenfranchised and the ones who were low on the caste echelon. The sifis used Urdu to propogate the message of tolerance and unity. The Sufi message crossed Sikh, Hindu and Muslim boundreis. The culture of the Delhi-Lucknow was of course a conglomeration of earlier Muyara, Slave. Mughal and Gupta dynasties—an apogee of celebration of Turkish, Persian, Afghan, Pathan, Mongol and local native Buddhist, Brahman, Rajput and other cultures. Our languages Urdu, Punjabi, Pahari, Kashmiri, Gujjar, Pushto, Saraiki, Hindkoh, Baluchi, Barouhi, Sindhi, Gujrati, and Mekrani all grew up during the same time. Rekhta and Apabhransha grew up at the same time. Prakrit, Sanskrit and Pali were formalized. Vedas were indeed translated and written into Devanagri during the era of Akbar. Our
dress, our poetry, our prose our cuisine, our demeanor is but a confluence of cultures of the Middle East and South Asia.

According to David Gilmartin in his book Empire and Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan (Page 8) “As late as the middle of the ninteenth century, the population of much of southern and western Punjab had been pastoralist, migrating between the river valleys and the ‘barr’ the flat uplands tracts between the rivers. But in the late nineteenth and early twnetieth centuries much of southwestern Punjab had come under canal irrigation—leading both to the settling of pastorialists and to the migration of settlers from central Punjab…from Urban populations, with ties to the Mughal past, to only recently settled pastoral populations, the confession of Islam linked together people of wide diversity.”

The confession of Islam was spread by the great Sufi saints of those times.
Urdu was the medium of instruction and Urdu was the great prolyzitizing (sic?) force in the Punjab and in all of India. According to David Gilmartin in his book Empire and Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan (Page 40) ” “western Punjabs conversion to Islam is usually credited to the great sufi mystics of the Delhi sultanate period—Baba Farid ganj-e-Shakar of Pakpattan, Shaikh Bahawal Haq Zakariyya of Multan, Saiyid Jalaludding Bokhari of Uch, and others.

Many Punjabi tribes have traced theri conversions to these medieval times… As Richard Eaton argues the pattern of conversion in rural Punjab adapted to both spreading agricultural way of life and to the political and cultural hegemony of the imperial Muslim state. The construction of sufi khankahs (hospices) and later sufi tombs produced smbolic cultural outposts of the power of Islam and of the Muslim state in a world where local, tribal identitities continued to be of vital importance. Imposing sufi tombs constructed by Muslim sutans (Footnote P41: The tughlaqs patronized many important sufi shrines in Punjab, constructing important tombs at the shrine of baba Farid and of Shah Rukh-e-Alam in Multan………)…(Page 43) in the cunturies before the British arrived, networks of shrines loosley linked within the sufi orders spread through much of the province…(page 45)..the Mughals apparently used the support of the sajjada nashins to extend their hegemony and to dramatize the religious foundation of their regime…the sufi shrines thus served as critical links between the Punjab countryside and the power of the imperial Muslim states.

Most of the sufis were either trained by the Deobandis or sued Farangi Mahall Nizamiyya inspired curriculums to teah the Quran Hadis, Fiqah, Logic and Jursipudence to the new Muslims of the Punjab. The influence of Farangi Mahall and the Deobandis with lavish donations from the UP, was pivotal to the survival of the sufi outposts in the Punjab. According to David Gilmartin in his book Empire and Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan (Page 54): The organizational model for the reformist ‘ulema was the ‘darul ulum’ founded in 1867 at Deoband in the United Provinces, a religious school…though the influence of the school at Deoband was greatest in the heartland of the old Mughal empire, it provided a model to spread the influence of these reformers to much of the rest of India–including the Punjab. As Barbara Metcalf points out, the school at Deoaband attracted contributions from numerous Punjabis, particularly those living in cities and towns. Perhaps more important, it ultimatley spawned several schools in Punjabpatterned on the Deoband model.

URDU PRESS IN THE PUNJAB
According to David Gilmartin in his book Empire and Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan (Page 78): The Urdu press became a political force among Lahore’s Muslims with launching in 1880s of the Paisa Akhbar, the first Urdu daily with a mass circulation (Footnote page 78: Its circulation reachd 13000, in the early 1900s..S.M. Feroze, Press in Pakistan, Lahore National Publications, 1957, 69-72. For circulation figures see also N.Gerlad Barrier and Paul Wallace, The Punjab Press 1880-1905, East Lansing: Asian Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1970 101-102). But the most important Muslim leader of this type was Zafar Ali Khan……a graduate of Aligarh…who rose of prominence in the years after 1911 when he moved his fathers newspaper, Zamindar, to Lahore and established it as a daily…

THE URDU BASED MUGHALEA CULTURE OF DELHI AND LUCKNOW
The Delhi Mughlea culture (both Hindu and Muslim) was based on Urdu. The Mughal empire cannot be divorced from the “Mughlea” edification and the “Mughlea” culture. Growing this culture involved creating and supporting institutions that would functions as green houses for Muslim intellectual growth. Guardians of the nurseries of this culture were individuals and families whose entire purpose of existence was research into Islamic ideas. They wrote the curriculums for the schools, and took Islam to the nooks and coreners of South Asia. During the height of the Mughal empre they assisted in guiding imperial religious thought (giving religious advice to Akbar, and assisting the emperor Awrunzeb Alimgir in writing the Fatwa e Alamgiri). During the decline of the Mughal empire, they carefully guarded and revived Islamic thinking in South Asia. During the British rule some of these families carefully created a vision for the youth of South Asia. They gave them a path and these greenhouses indeed did create leaders like Mohammed Ali Juahar, Abul Kalaam Azad, Abd-al-Bari, Jinnah, Suhrawardi, Feroze Khan Noon, Khaliq-Uz-Zaman, Vaqar-ul-Mulk, Iqbal and Sir Syed and Liaqat Ali Khan.

SOUTH ASIAN CIVILIZATION AND MUGHAL CULTURAL HERITAGE
Languages play a very importnat part in creating culture. Even though Sikhs are great ptrons of Urdu, Gurmaki led to the creation of the Sikh culture.

Was the Mughal period (when Jehangir was the wealthiest man on Earth) our last most glorious era? We are proud of the Mughlea era that thrived in Northern India. If Indians and Pakistanis trace our culture from the fabulously rich Mughlea period of our common history. Many Muslims spoor our lineage from the sands of Arabia. Many trace their roots from the deserts of Rajputs. Huns and Aryans and Jats have many things in common with the Hindus. The Hindus and the Muslims have a common bond. We have amalgamated the wealth of the Indus Valley and the Gangetic Civilizations.

While our genealogy hazed in Mohen-ja-doaro and Harappa many Pakistanis claim that the Pakistani civilization originated in Mecca and Medina, transplanted itself across the gulf of Arabia and incubated itself in Samarqand, Isphahan, Ghazni and finally flourished in Lucknow and Delhi. If the Mughals had not carefully nurtured the Pakistani civilization, it would not have survived in Lahore, Peshawar, Quetta, Mirpur and Karachi. Many Pakistanis claim that Pakistan is the successor state to the mighty Mughal empire. Most Indians (Hindus and Muslims) will disagree with that assessment. This is the schism that has generated more hatred and war in this part of the world than any other.

URDU SPREADS: SURVIVES BRITISH COLONIALISM
The golden period of Urdu was during the Mughal era. On the arrival of the British, Urdu suffered terribly. The fall of Tipu Sultan was a fall from which Urdu never actually recovered. Overnight the official language was changed to English, and Urdu was uncerimonously un-crowned as the lingua franca of the subcontinent. During the nineteeth century, the British started teaching Urdu as Hindustani. The British not only sent Bahadur Shah Zafar into exile they also sent Urdu and the entire culture based around Delhi into oblivion. For a thousand years the court language and the art and literature of the subcontinent was based around Urdu. This lagacy was destroyed.

Some where along the way, perhaps due to the patronage of the rulers, the Urdu language got branded as the language of Muslims and Sikhs.

In an interesting article on Urdu: A Historian Looks at Hindi-Urdu Debate 8 December 1995; Copyright: India Abroad Publications

`Hindustani’ was the name given to the language of the camp, to Urdu; this was the common parlance of northern India by the late nineteenth century. At this time, Bharatendu Harischandra and Pratap Narain Misra tried to fashion a politics around language; they argued that there was an intrinsic connection between Hindus and Hindi. Harischandra and Misra’s attempts to make this connection did not by itself create the problem which we are rehearsing today. In April 1900, the lieutenant-governor of U.P., Anthony MacDonnell wanted to undermine the established Indian bureaucrats (who used Urdu as the language of their work — this despite the fact that there were Hindus and Muslims in the administration); MacDonnell insisted that Hindi in the Devangri script be used for administrative purposes, thereby undermining the previous bureaucrats as well as making the question of the script a political communal problem.

In the 1901 Census, the British insisted that the language of Muslim be entered as Urdu and the language of Hindus be entered as Hindi. The agitation over Nagri became a communal agitation. The Al-Bashir of 21 September 1901 pointed out that there was little distinction between Urdu and Hindi; the real difference was between the language spoken in towns and language spoken in the countryside. The Nagri agitation was to drag the language of refinement and culture into the morass of communal hatred.

Religious zealots came forward and tried to revive the Sanskrit based languages and the Sanskrit based scripts. Circa: 1900. Certain segments of the Hindu political establishemnt wanted to REPLACE Urdu and and Persian as the official language of the court and government. The one nation agitators (Hindu-Hindi-Hindustani) religious zealots started agitating for the Devanagri script. As a result of this agitation the Devanagri-Sanskrit script REPLACED the Persian Urdu langauge in the 19th century and this led to widespread agitation which was expressed by the creation of the Muslim League in 1906 (see Ira Lapidus..History of Islamic Societies). As soon as the Devanagri script was adopted by the government, the language was SANSKRITIZED, all Arabic-Persian words were quickly repalced by archaic sanskrit vocabulary…..that is STILL alien to the speakers of the language of Northern India.

So the language spoken in Pakistan today is prety much the language that existed int he courts and the streets of Northern India. The language broadcasted by AIR is an alien language that had died a natural death. Persian and Arabic and Turkish words were listed and purged from the official dictionaries. The revival of Sanskrit had begun. A new Sanskritized “Hindi” was transplanted as the official instrument of the elite.

Right before the British left India, Urdu was treated like a step child. Hindu religious zealots did not want “foreign” influences in India, so they began the “ethnic cleansing” on Urdu. The “foreign” words of Urdu were taken out, and words Tatsama words (words in the same form as they appear in Sanskrit ) from a dead language called Sanskrit were injected into Urdu. This new ethnically cleansed language officially called Hindi (actually Sankritized Hindi) is now the national language of a “secular” country called India. The official Hindi is Urdu WITHOUT the Persian and Arabic words.

Hindi according to many Hindus is an ‘apabramsha’ version of ‘Pali’, the language of Buddhists, which is itself an ‘apabramsha’ variety of Classical Sanskrit, which is derived from Vedic Sanskrit.

Urdu is one of the languages recognized in the Indian constitution. Urdu is the state language of the Indian part of Jammu and Kashmir. The language is clearly understood on Bangladesh and even in Nepal, Burma and Sri Lanka. If ine know Urdu one can get by in Dubai, Abu Dhabi and even in Kuwait. Urdu is the national language of Pakistan, and is the provincial language of all provinces of Pakistan, namely, Punjab, Sarhad, Balauchistan, Kashmir and Sindh. Urdu in India, is officially alive only in Kashmir. The rest of India speaks it, but Indian officialdom refuses its existence. Many South Indians are resentlful of Hindi and claim that the politicians of Northern India have tried to “impose” Sankritized Hindi (without Persian or Arabic words in it) upon the people.

Northern Indians still speak Urdu, but call it Hindi. Southern Indians have no affinity with Hindi and they almost “refuse” Hindis existence. The result is linguistic CONFUSION in India. The language spoken by the North Indian people and the language broadcasted in news bulletins across the Indian air waves have no relation to each other. Many many Indians understand Urdu but they do not understand the Sanskrit ridden news broadcasts (the official Sanskritized-Hinduized version of Urdu).

URDU EXPANDS: URDU FINDS ANOTHER HOME IN THE PUNJAB
Urdu lives on the streets of Northern India. It is however called Hindi. While the official Hindi is a Sanskrtized language, the language on the streets of Northern India remains the older non-Sanskritized version. The migration of the language Eastword preceded the decline of the language in Northern India, where under British patronage, and Hindu benefaction, Hindi was fast becoming the lingua-franca

THE SIKHS AS GREAT PATRONS OF URDU. THE ORIGINS OF GURMUKHI (A FORM OF PUNJABI)
The Sikhs are and have been …to be continued….written but not published.

alt.language.urdu.poetry, Urdu/VOA site: www.gpg.com/radio/index/html

Urdu site: http://carla.acad.umn.edu/lctl/languages/Hindi-Urdu.html

This article is posted on: ftp://usman.imran.com/pub/articles/moina/

For more information please see: http://www.cs.colostate.edu/~malaiya/ibrahim.html
alt.language.urdu.poetry and also see

http://www.syberwurx.com/phool/gg.htm

Comments (6)

Assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan & Declassified CIA documents

Filed under: History of Pakistan,Post independence — The Editors @ 12:19 am
Tags: Liaqat Ali Khan, Shaheed e Millat

Why was Liaqat Ali Khan Assassinated? Who murdered Shaheed e Millat?

| RUPEE NEWS | February 20th, 1997 | Moin Ansari | معین آنصآرّی | Published Feb. 26th 1997. Updated Feb. 20th, 2008 with recently declassified US documentation which raise the question of CIA involvement in the death of LAK. (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/pakistan/pakintrigue.htm#liaquat). The events of December 27th 2007 when the 3rd Pakistani Prime Minister was assasinated in Rawalpindi makes this research very poignant. Two decades ago we have read more about who shot JR and a lot less about who shot one of our greatest freedom fighters of Pakistan. We all wondered who shot Khan Liaqat Ali Khan? The American press is always trying to discover who actually planned the assassination of President John Fritzgerald Kennedy. The media is obsessed with JFKs murder even though the murderer was captured. The Pakistani media is silent about Liaqat Ali Khan. The same forces that were responsible for the death of Benazir Bhutto are responsible for the death of Shahed Millat.

Liaqat Ali Khan was the liberator of Kashmir. In 1947, Liaqat Ali Khan raised a fist at India warning it of staying away from Pakistan. As long as the fist was alive no neighboring country could dare lift a finger at Pakistan.

Jinnah and Liaqat at the 1940 Lahore Resolution (Pakistan Reolution)

SUMMARY OF THE ARTICLE.

We have researched this issue at length. In the abscence of an on the spot autopsy, the cicumstancial and political evidence points to the political enemies of Khan Liaqat Ali Khana and Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The feudlas of many areas did not support the creation of Pakistan. Urban voters were free to vote, and the wholehearted supported, Iqbal, Jinnah and Liaqat. If we look at the plitical landscape of the Subcontinetal politics, we see the following:

Jinnah, Iqbal, and Liaqat were at odds with the anti-Pakistan, pro-Congress elements who wre supported by the likes of Sir Chottu Ram and the Unionist party. Iqbal and Liquat were responsible for the creation of Muslim League in every town and village of the Subcontinent, and had transformed the League from an eletist group to a national party.
Jinnah, Liaqat. Iqbal, and the Muslim Leageu won the day, and destroyed the Hyatt-Tiwana conspiracies led by their cohorts the Congress and SIr Choutta Rams Zamindara party
Hyatt and Tiwana lost to the Muslim League but kept the vengence in thier harts.
Liaqat Ali Khan did not allow the UK and the US Pakistani facilities to attack Iran. There is a lot of suspicion on the CIA on this matter. Recent declassified documents shed light on a lot of information on this.
Both Jinnah and Liaqat faced numerous asassination attempts on thier lives by the same Unionist party or their fascist supports the Khaksars.
Jinnah escaped the attempts, and Liaqat did not

Liaqat Ali Khan presented the Crescent and Star for approval to the National Assemby of Pakistan in 1947. The Khan obatined unanimous appproval and the Cresecent and Star bacme the national flag of Pakistan.Mutiny to Mountbatten by Zeba Zubair

“Allah Pakistan ko apni amaan mai~n rakhay “(God save Pakistan). Last words of Shaheed-e-Millat, Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan right before his asassination-death in Rawalpindi.

Shaheed-millat tum to golee lageeHum ko sudmaa hoDunya rotee raheeDusman hastay rahay

LIAQAT ALI KHAN

THE DAY DEMOCRACY DIED IN RAWALPINDI: Liaqat Ali Khan was the able lieutenant of the father of our nation. He was the first Prime Minister of our nation. He sowed the seeds of democracy and died fighting for democary. Liaqat Ali Khan matched the sprit of Nehru and the tenacity of Patel. Liaqat Ali Khan had the vitality of George Washington, and the vision of Lincoln. He and Jinnah did for Pakistan what Kemal Ataturk had done for Turkey. Like Mao Tse Tung Liaqat and Jinnah led the countrymen to nationhood. For a brief shining moment, our nation glimpsed “Camelot”, where we were led by honest leaders, who’s only consideration was the task of building the nation. These uncorruptable leaders had character, strength, and the mandate of the people. Like JFK, Liaqat Ali Khan was a young, popular and charismatic leader who had led the nation ‘across the read” sea and was immersed in the task of builidng an infrastructure for the new country. But forces opposed to democracy cut him in half.

WHO SHOT LAK?..CIA CONNECTION

Under headline reading “Is Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination result of a deep-laid American conspiracy?”, leftist Urdu daily Bhopal named Nadeem published article October 24 charging US with responsibility. Summary article follows:

[...]It was learned within Pakistani Foreign Office that while UK pressing Pakistan for support re Iran, US demanded Pakistan exploit influence with Iran and support Iran transfer oil fields to US. Liaquat declined request. US threatened annul secret pact re Kashmir. Liaquat replied Pakistan had annexed half Kashmir without American support and would be able to take other half. Liaquat also asked US evacuate air bases under pact. Liaquat demand was bombshell in Washington. American rulers who had been dreaming conquering Soviet Russia from Pakistan air bases were flabbergasted. American minds set thinking re plot assassinate Liaquat. US wanted Muslim assassin to obviate international complications. US could not find traitor in Pakistan as had been managed Iran, Iraq, Jordan. Washington rulers sounded US Embassy Kabul. American Embassy contacted Pashtoonistan leaders, observing Liaquat their only hurdle; assured them if some of them could kill Liaquat, US would undertake establish Pashtoonistan by 1952. Pashtoon leaders induced Akbar undertake job and also made arrangements kill him to conceal conspiracy. USG-Liaquat differences recently revealed by Graham report to SC; Graham had suddenly opposed Pakistan although he had never given such indication. [...] Cartridges recovered from Liaquat body were American-made, especially for use high-ranking American officers, usually not available in market. All these factors prove real culprit behind assassin is US Government, which committed similar acts in mid-East. “Snakes” of Washington’s dollar imperialism adopted these mean tactics long time ago. Confidential Telegram No. 1532 from New Delhi Embassy, Oct. 30, 1951

Recommend Department ignore article summarized in Delhi’s 1532. It is compilation of utter falsehoods whose vituperation is some degree worse than articles that appear from time to time in Bombay’s Commie-line “Blitz”. To issue any statement labeling the facts in the article as lies will only give Nadeem an importance it does not merit. The investigation into background of Liaquat’s assassination is being conducted with extreme care and well guarded secrecy. Gurmani tells me an intercept has been obtained which if backed up by further material may reveal the assassination had some inspiration and followed the pattern of Razmara’s assassination in Teheran. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 31, 1951

Since article apparently not rpt not widely circulated, Department believes preferable not rpt not issue public denial. In its discretion, however, Embassy might informally mention case MEA with comment story so preposterous no rpt no public denial intended. Would be interesting to know whether this story of character which led adoption recent press law. Ownership management NADEEM should be discreetly be investigated. Confidential Telegram from State Dept., Nov. 1, 1951

Soviet Press today carried Prague Despatch reporting Rude Pravo article based Afghan press agency “Bahtar” information re assassination Liaquat Ali. Despatch states after escaping Afghanistan due murders and other crimes “Said Akbar ran to India and there under protection British authorities which gave him refuge in Abbotabad and provided him money. After partition India Akbar remained in Pakistan where he continued make use protection of certain British circles.” “These facts adduced by Afghan press supporting position that murder Liaquat Ali was result intrigue of imperialists in Asian countries.” Secret Telegram from Moscow Embassy, Nov. 3, 1951 [only first page located]

The Embassy questions the premise stated in the first sentence of the Airgram under reference (“Lack of spontaneous anti-Indian and anti-Afghan popular outburst over both July war scare and Liaquat’s assassination suggests feeling on Kashmir and Afghan disputes mostly government inspired.”) … The anti-Afghan agigation that spontaneously sprang up on October 16-17 was effectively stopped by the GOP’s prompt exercise of its official and unofficial powers of censorship over the press, even to the extent of preventing reference after October 17 to the assassin’s Afghan origin. Popular Feeling in Pakistan on Kashmir and Afghan Issues, Nov. 10, 1951

One almost never hears about the culprits in the assassination of Khan Liaqat Ali Khan…. the first victim of our nascent nation. After his death democracy was forced to fail and dictators ruled the Pakistani landscape.

Since the autopsies done on the body of the Khan has NOT revealed much, let us do an autopsy of the politics of our time. There have been several books written on the man, and a wealth of information is revealed in them.

LIAQAT ALI KHAN, THE MAN, ONE OF THE FOUNDING FATHERS, THE FREEDOM FIGHTER, THE LIBERATOR OF KASHMIR & THE FIRST PRIME MINISTER

Liaqat Ali Khan was a born in a rich family, but he gave up his lands for freedom and for Pakistan.

All through the forties, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah had picked patriots who would lead the nation to freedom. These men were loyal not only to Quaid-e-Azam and the Muslim League, these men were loyal to the cause of Pakistan. Both created and led the Muslim League and battled the British and engaged the Congress for the independent nation of Pakistan. Throughout the trials and tribulations, Liaqat Ali Khan and Jinnah went through one constitutional crises after the other and faced the elections. From the Khilafat movement, to the cause of the separate electorate, through the Cabinet Mission Plan, through the pre-partition governments, the Khan and Jinnah led the Muslim League and the nation towards Pakistan.

In little towns and in big villages, the All India Muslim League opened offices and built a grass roots movement that was supported by the Mussalmans of Bharat. Jinnah and Liaqat Ali Khan were painfully aware that the Muslims had no voice in the press. In order to combat the propoganda of its enemies, the Muslim League needed a voice. The created from scratch newspapers that would carry the Muslim League message. In 1945, the created the newspaper called ‘Dawn’. They also created the paper called “Pakistan Times’ and they created other papers called Patriots etc.

Here is a message from the Honorable Liaqat Ali Khan, Premier of Pakistan. Dated Delhi, 5th August, 1947:

” Now that the great day has come when we have not only achieved freedom from foreign domination but also regained our long lost opportunity for national development. I wish to convey to our people a message of goodwill and good cheer on this day when the Muslim state of our dreams has become a reality. Let us not forget that his has been achieved not by the efforts of Muslims in Pakistan alone, but even more by the sufferings of millions living in Muslim minority provinces. I hope that although henceforth the frontiers of the two states will divide the Muslims of this Subcontinent, the ties of brotherhood will endure, because the Islamic fraternity knows no political or geographical barriers. I have no doubt that the Muslims of Pakistan will ever regard the Muslims of Hindustan as part of themsleves and give them equal opportunities in their own state. I am confident also that the Muslims in Hindustan will be loyal citizens of their state and paly an important and honorable role in the progress and prosperity.” Sd. Liaqat Ali Khan.

Liaqat Ali Khan was uncorrptable. Here is an editorial printed in the Nation on Friday, February 28, 1997, Lahore, “Banish the factotums, sir”, written by Khalid Hasan :

“In the early years of Pakistan, the leaders lived with simplicity. Mr Liaquat AliKhan, who used to be rich in his own right before independence, lived simply. He was accessibleand there were hardly any barriers between him and those who considered him the Quaid-i-Azam’s heir and his most trusted deputy. We all know that when the Nawabzada died, he had no money in the bank. That is the example our present-day leaders need to follow and not that of oriental potentates, colonial overlords and slave plantation kings.”

As Prime Minster of Pakistan Liaqat Ali secured the borders of Pakistan, LIBERATED one third of Kashmir (and would have liberated ALL of it if HIS plan had worked), and internationalized (through agreements with the USA) the boundaries of Pakistan by ensuring that the USSR through its proxies (India or Afghanistan) could not cross them.

LIAQAT TAKES OVER A PRECARIOUS POLITICAL LANDSCAPE

1947, was a precarious time for Pakistan. The newly won freedom was in jeopardy. The flame of Pakistani Muslim liberty was in danger of being extinguished. Liaqat Ali Khan became prime minister of Pakistan when the anti-Pakistan Unionist loyalists (who had been in cahoots with the Indian National Congress) landlords and the anti-Muslim League feudals were waiting in the wings to take over the political machinery of the new country. This was an accident waiting to happen.

In Sindh the landlords were mostly Hindu and these landlords fled to India. In the Punjab and Sarhad they were the Badshah Khans and the Khizar Hyatts who had opposed the Quaid-e-Azam.

After the death of Quaid-e-Azam the feudals wanted to take over the nascent country. The feudals had opposed Pakistan. For the feudals the only roadblocks to power were the patriots who had led the Pakistan movement. I.I. Chundrigarh, Feroze Khan Noon and Khan Liaqat Ali Khan. Once the Bengali leadership of the Muslim League was harassed and removed, then it was necessary to begin removing the political infra-structure of Pakistan that had been built by the Quaid-e-Azam himself. The Muslim League leaders faced the wrath of the feudals. The Quaid and Khan Liaqat Ali Khan had defeated the feudals in their Unionist party which was in an alliance with the Indian National Congress (INC). Now the feudals were out to take revenge from the leadership of the Muslim that had shepherded the nation to freedom.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah had terminal cancer and he died an early death. The actual circumstances of the death of the Quaid are shrouded in mystery, confusion and perhaps even conspiracy.

Several Pakistani prime ministers tried to illegally take over the reigns of government through extra-constitutinal means, but the machinations of the feudals did not allow them to rule. These machinations were the earliest seed of discontent sown into the minds of the Bengalis because they saw the Bengali leadership of the Muslim League harassed and shunted out of the Muslim League.

Pakistan was born under the Mountbatten-Indian premise that the country would last a few weeks and the Muslims would learn their lesson and then come begging back to India to take them back. In fact Lord Mountbatten had offered and insisted on becoming the joint Governor General of both India and Pakistan. This unique head of both the states would have facilitated the early demise of the state of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam and Liaqat Ali Khan saw through the ruse and asked Lord Mountbatten whose anti Pakistan and anti-Muslim stand had already been proven several times over not to become the governor general of Pakistan.

EXTERNAL THREAT TO PAKISTAN NULLIFIED THROUGH STRATEGIC ALLIANCES

Many Hindus and Gandhi did not oppose Pakistan. Some like Patel did. The opponents were fierce vitriolic and vociferous. Right after Pakistan was created, some of the radical Hindus considered this a temporary situation and called it a temporary partition of the country of India. When the new country lasted for a few months, India began flexing its muscles. One of the first test of Pakistani sovereignty came when India devalued her currency and wanted Pakistan to do the same. Liaqat Ali Khan refused, and angry India tightened the screws and imposed a trade embargo against Pakistan. All cross border trade came to a halt. This was the initiation of cessation of trade that has still not been really revived, even in modern times.

With China still embroiled in its communist struggle, Asia was recognized as India. In British eyes, India was the major power in the India. In the early nineteenth century, America proudly proclaimed that “it was manifest destiny that the USA should span from the Atlantic to the Pacific.” The Soviet Union extended from the Pacific to the Atlantic. With British imperial might, and India the crown jewel of the empire, India too saw her destiny as great as the superpowers.

THE NEHRU DOCTRINE FACES LIAQAT ALI KHANS PATRIOTIC FIST

The Nehru doctrine was a natural extension of Indian nationalism. Nehrus dreams of India as one of hte major nations of the world are elequently quoted in his letters to his daughter “Glimpses of World History”, a very welll written book on the history of the world. The stature of Nehrus intelleigence can be judged from the fact that Nehru wrote the book from memory while he was in jail.

To many Indians religion was a personal matter and did not want the state to interfere in it. Riightly or wrongly they saw Jinnah using the ruse of religion to gain power. Some Indians felt that Indian nationalism and dreams had run aground by the creation of Pakistan. “Partition” had stopped the land routes to Europe and divided the focus of its attntion. Had she been cut down to size? Reeling from partiton, Patel started to consolidate the rest of the “nation”. Nehru would not allow 550 Indias. Nehru and Patel wanted to create the Indian nationality by creating a contiguous Subcontinent. She had taken over Kashmir, Junagarh and had taken over Hydrabad. India was threatening Pakistan. Pakistani nationalism now tested the limits of Indian consolidation. Liaqat Ali Khan looked for cracks in the consolidation. Liaqat Ali Khan saw what was coming and used the tribesmen to take advantage of the rebellion in Kashmir and liberate the state. All Kashmiris remember Liaqat Ali Khan with fondness because he is the real liberator of Azad Kashmir. Were it not for Liaqat Ali Khan ALL of Kashmir would today be part of India.

Like Nehru, Khan was also embroiled in the task of nation building. Like Nehru, Khan also faced daunting odds. Unlike Nehru, Khan was the ruler of a state with very powerful feudal enemies. These enemies had sworn the destruction of the country. These feudals saw Khan between them and their allies and friends the Indian National Congress. Khan Liaqat Ali Khan began to create a sovereign nation. He saw the vision to create natural and artifical boundaries around the country. He ordered the digging of the BRB canal along the Wagah border. The Indians were to learn the importance of what they call “Khawjal Canal” during the 1965 war because this canal provided Pakistan a natural defense barrier against the advancing Indian army. When things got too hot for India in Kashmir and Pakistani troops under Tikka Khan and the freedom fighters were only 35 miles away from Srinagar, India wanted to cross the international border at Batapur and Run of Katch. The Americans in 1965 had guaranteed to Pakistan that Kashmir was disputed territory and India would not cross the international border. India tired to but the rangers kept them at bay along the BRB canal that was designed and built during the reign of Khan Liaqat Ali Khan

It was under these circumstances that Khan Liaqat Ali Khan took the reigns of office. He struggled to do the following:

1) Guard Pakistan against a belligerent India which wanted to reintegrate Pakistan into India

2) Watch the back of Pakistan against the Indian ally Zahir Shah of Afghanistan

3) Tried to create an external strategic alliance with the USA and sold the idea to the West that Pakistan would be a reliable bulwark against the socialistic India-USSR nexus

LIAQAT ALI KHAN NEGATES THE SOVIET THREAT

Liaqat Ali Khan saw the growing menace of the Soviet threat. He had been monitoring the expansion of the Russian empire into the six Muslim states, and he had watched the integration of independent Muslim republics into the USSR. He has also seen the forced deportation of the Chechnians and Tartars to Siberia as reprisals for resisting the Sovietization of the Muslim peoples.

Liaqat Ali Khan saw the growing relations of the USSR with Afghanistan as a clear threat to Pakistans sovereignty. Khan went to the US and laid the foundation of a very log term alliance with the USA. This alliance immediately opened up the flood gates of American aid to Pakistan. The initial aid came in the form of German war crime reparation that were given to Pakistan. This put money in the treasury. The next step was UN and Direct USAID to Pakistan. With American protection the existence of Pakistan was guaranteed, or else the nascent nation may have succumbed to the twin USSR-Indian and Sino-Indain threat.

INTERNAL THREAT SUPPRESSED THROUGH STRATEGIC COALITIONS

Jinnah and Khan had generated a cadre of loyal politicians that supported the Muslim League. Liaqat Ali Khan wanted to bank on the traditional allies that both he and Mohammad Ali Jinnah had created across the land of Pakistan. However these were hard to come by because many of the Aligarh led student movement leaders were now back to the grind earning a living. Liaqat Ali Khan was in the process of forming alliances in the Punjab and the NWFP. He trusted the leaders that had supported the Muslim League and he trusted the leaders that had supported Pakistan. Liaqat Ali Khan did not trust the leaders that had opposed Pakistan. Liaqat Ali Khan did not trust the leadership of the Unionist party that was in alliance with the Indian National Congress.

Khan through a series of steps tried to create consensus within the boundaries of Pakistan:

1) Tried to germinate local pro-Muslim leadership in Bengal by supporting the pro-Pakistani Bengali leaders against the pro-Indian and United Bengal nationalist leaders who wanted an independent Bengal.

2) Watched the antics of G.M. Syed whose off again and on again loyalties to the Muslim League and/or Gandhi rendered him un-trusworthy.

3) Tried create Muslim League alliances in two provinces where there was the anti-Muslim League parties playing on the sentiments of the people. Namely it was the Khizar Hyatt led Unionist government in the Punjab and a Ghaffar Khan led government in NWFP.

Liaqat Ali Khan formed the constituent assemby and set upon the task of creting serious structures which would assist the country in the future. All Pakistani constitueions were based on the work of the first constitution. The original 1953 constitution was the basis of the 1973 constituion that is preserved more or less by our courts today.

FORTIES: THE FEUDAL UNIONISTS HAD OPPOSED PAKISTAN AND THE MUSLIM LEAGUE

The Unionist Party had opposed Pakistan, had opposed the Muslim League, had opposed the Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah and had opposed Liaqat Ali Khan. After the death of Jinnah their wrath turned to Khan Liaqat Ali Khan. How could the Unionist oppose a trusted lieutenant of the Quaid? How could they oppose one of the greatest freedom fighters of the struggle for Pakistan? How could the Unionists oppose the leader of the Muslim League—the party that created Pakistan and opposed the Unionists in the Punjab? The Khan had many friends and supporters in the Punjab. The Khan was responsible for creating and nourishing the Muslim League in the Punjab. He had counted on and got the support of the people of Punjab. The Muslim League had defeated the Unionsist in the polls.

Here is a quote from the book “HAD THERE BEEN NO JINNAH” (@1989 by Salahuddin Khan Printed by: PanGraphics (Pvt) Ltd. Islamabad. Pages 14-15.

“From this stage, conflict between the Congress and theMuslim League became increasingly sharp. The MuslimLeague under the skilful leadership of Jinnah set itselfto strengthen its organization, extend its basis of supportamong the Muslim masses, and consolidate the variousMuslim groups and organizations so as to make the Muslim League the main Organization of the Muslims inIndia. During the period 1937-45 a decisive change took placein the position and relative strength of the Muslim League, as it won increasing mass support among the Muslims. The 1946 elections reveal the changed position.In the Central and Provincial Legislative Assembly elections the Muslim League won 460 out of 533 Muslimseats. There can be no doubt, that during this periodthe Muslim League had established its position as the major political organization among Muslims in India. It had been the original aim of the Congress to includeequally Hindus and Muslims. But, in practice, this aimwas never realised in the proportions of membership won.In January 1938, according to a press statement issuedby Nehru, out of 3.1 millions members of Congress, only1,00,000, that is 3.2% were Muslims; overwhelmingmajority of the newly awakened sections of the Muslimsturned to the Muslim League as their political organization.”

The victories in 1946 were at the expense of the pro-Congress Unionists in the Punjab. In the face of very strong popular grass-roots political support for Pakistan, the Muslim League and Liaqat Ali Khan the Hyattis were trying to figure to how to oppose Quaid-e-Azam and the Muslim League. The Khizar Hyatt political machinery could not find anything against Liaqat Ali Khan, so they used the race card. The Khizar Hyatt Unionist Party propaganda had painted Liaqat Ali Khan as an opponent of Punjabis. Nothing could be further from the truth. Liaqat Ali Khan opposed the feudal Unionist leaders like Khizar Hyatt who had opposed Pakistan. Liaqat Ali Khan had many friends in the Punjab who had helped him defeat the Unionists at the polls. It is little known that L.A Khan was born in Karnal East Punjab. Here are some notes on the origins of Liaqat Ali Khan. I quote from p.27 of book by Prof. Ziauddin Ahmad , Liaquat Ali Khan: builder of Pakistan.

“The family, Before settling down in Karnal in thePunjab in the 19th century, lived on the other side of the Jamna in Muzaffarnagar (U.P., India) for some generations, where they owned bigestates. Even after he settled down in Delhi, he took keen interestin the amelioratin and betterment of the Muslims of Muzaffarnagar.”

The Unionist element tried to rally support against Khan Liaqat Ali Khan by playing up the ethnic race card. Liaqat Ali Khan was born in Karnal East Punjab with friends and relatives on both sides of the border. The Khan had very strong ties to East Punjab. However this fact was concealed and many Khizar Hyatt Khan supporters falsly labeled him.

THE ASSASSINATION OF DEMOCRACY IN RAWALPINDI—A CIA PLOT?

Liaqat Ali Khan was killed in broad daylight in Rawalpindi. This is what Zeba Zubair in Mutiny to Mountbatten says about the assassination:

“On 16 October 1951 at a Public Meeting in Rawalpindi, ‘a blind shot from the blue’ silenced the voice of Quaid-e-Millat, Nawabzadah Liaqat Ali Khan. Another epoch of history was at an end. On a sad day for this new nation it was as if a mighty powe in heaven was also reacting in anger at the cowardly act of mankind. The sky of Karachi had a peculiar and ominous orange-yellow colouring and the people felt resltell at the starnge weather…”

This is what the Daily dawn of October 17th, 1951 said:

‘With the kalima on his lips, Liaqat , Successor of the Quaid-e-Azam Prime Minister. Leader unparalleled, is dead. The man who killed him was not just an individual he was the symbol of that deadly enmity of the enemies of Islam who have always wanted to destroy Pakistan. We name only one but we feel this in our heart with the certain flash and convinced truth. We grieve for Liaqat–martyr to Pakistan and Islam; but we proclaim over Liaqat’s still unburied body: Pakistan shall live, and whoever of her servants may fall in her service, this citadel of Islam guarded by 70 million worshippers of Allah will never fall. Begum Liaqat, Ashraf and Akbar, we shall not try to console you in your grief in consolable, but know this, that you beloved husband and father had died in glory and as comes only to the chosen of God. Pakistan Zindabad (Dawn Editorial, 17 October, 1951)”

Even in his last moments he was thinking of his nation. Other then remembering God and reciting the kalima, his last words were “Allah Pakistan ko apni amaan mai~n rakhay “(God save Pakistan). Every Pakistani of that generation absolutely remembers where he was and what he was doing when that fatal shot was announced on Radio Pakistan. Every patriotic Pakistani cried that day.

” A few yards away for the body of the founder of the Pakistan now rests its eternal sleep the body of the builder of Pakistan. Both died in harness and both died for Pakistan. The Quaid-e-Azam worked his body way to waste; the Quaid-e-Millat fearlessly exposed his body to danger for his love of duty and country. The master and the disciple, the twin servants of Islam who in this century added perhaps the most glorious chapter to Islam’s temporal history, now meet heaven. Like twin stars, unseen but their presence always felt, their blessings will be continually showered on the land which the one founded, and the other built up to a state of stability and strength form which progress forward is inevitable because of its own momentum. It is now for the nation which they served so well, to carry on their work, and in particular make the blood of martyred Liaqat blossom to all of us. But upon the new leader who has been chosen by the team left behind by Liaqat the main burned if it will fall, the choice has been will and wisely made..

Khawaja Nazimuddin, our new Prime Minister and Liaqat’s successor as leader of this nation……”(Dawn editorial October 1951)

This is what Javed Jabbar says about the assassination in Rawalpindi in an article in the Nation (Feb 26th, 1997) entitled Accountability: history and truth.

“Distortions in our relationship with accountability have an even more historic dimension. During the lifetime of the Quaid-i-Azam himself, within weeks and months of the creation of Pakistan, reports began to emerge about corruption at high levels in government. One of the major figures who despaired at this early neglect of accountability was Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Then came the assassination of our first Prime Minister Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan. A man who was so financially incorruptible as to leave only a paltry sum in his bank account deserved to have his killers held to account for their heinous crime. Over the past forty-five years, speculative interpretations name prominent individuals as suspects in the Liaquat assassination. The official inquiry was not received as a credible analysis. In addition tothe original stain of financial corruption on the white and spotlessly clean garment of accountabilitywere now added the red stains of blood: people could actually get away with murder.”

The Shaheed-e-Millat was so scrupulously honest that when he died, he had holes in his socks. This was the man that presented the Crescent and Star “Khanjar hilal ka hai qaumi nitaa~n hamaara” to the constituent National Assembly of Pakistan. His famous closed fist remained a symbol of defiance to India, and it remained a symbol of our sovereignity.

Right after the assassination of Khan Liaqat Ali Khan, the patsy—actual murderer (the man who pulled the trigger) was caught and killed immediately (lest he spill the beans). Lee Harvey Oswald suffered the same fate when he actually started talking. However the real murderers the people who ordered the death of a the first prime minister of Pakistan not only remained at large, they actually benefited from his death. As a final insult to the slain freedom-fighter Liaqat Bagh (the site of his assassination) was turned into a bus stop and the promised garden to this date remains a commercial cess pot.

The day Liaqat Ali Khan died , democracy died in Pakistan. Dictators took over the reigns of the government and abrogated the constituent assembly. On 23rd October, Ghulam Mohammad dissilved the Constituent Assembly and with it, any semblence of constitutiona legitmacy. Altaf. This is what the Daily Dawn said in one of its editorials, and it gives a brief synopsis of the events leading to and the levents that occured right after the death of the Shaheed-e-Millat:

“Since birth Pakistan has had four major nights of crisis. On the night of Spetember 11. The Father of the nationdied. On the night of October 16, 1951, the nation held its breath, dazed by the murder of its builder, Liaqat. On the night of April 17, 1953,a Governmetn headed by the President of the Muslim League was flicked off the ash from a cigar-tip. On the night of October 23, 1954 (because it was then, we think that the decision was taken) the constituent Assembly of Pakistan was beleived to be soverign body, was wiped off the country’s political map like one wipes spilt milk form a table….(Dawn: 27 October, 1954)”

This abrogation kept Pakistan without a real constitution till 1973 The 1956 and 1963 constitutions were abrogated and martial laws imposed in 1958 and 1969. A lack of constitutional protection to the Bengalis and other citizens of Pakistan led to the creation of deep suspicions in the minds of the common Pakistanis, specially the Bengalis.

THE BENEFICIARIES FROM LIAQAT ALI KHANS DEATH

It is obvious that the assassins of Khan Liaqat Ali Khan were the parties and leaders who benefited from his death. After remmoving the elected prime minister from office through murder, the feudals tried to marginalize the Bengalis. As a result of the conspiracy the constitution was abrogated and the military feudal complex took over Pakistan. The feudals and their sentries the army took over the reins of the country and never let go.

It is based on these grains of truth that Ayesha Jalal and the Indian text books claim that the Muslim League was supported by the landlords. Before the creation of Pakistan these feudals opposed the Muslim League tooth and nail. It is unfortunate for our country that these feudals became the rulers of Pakistan after Liaqat Ali Khan. The rest as they say is history. For a list of Muslim League enemies, one does not have to go far. A directory of officers of the Unionist Party along with the list of the Khaksars (who actually did make many attempts on Muslim League leaders). For details on the Muslim League-Unionist animosity please see my article called “The Fifth Column” posted on soc.culture.pakistan.history.

This is what Javed Jabbar says about the assassination in Rawalpindi in an article in the Nation (Feb 26th, 1997) entitled Accountability: history and truth.

“When the black gowns of the superior judiciary joined the blood-stained garb of accountability, a decisive turning point was passed. The legitimisation of the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad and his dismissal of Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin established a new ground norm that went beyond the justified and unavoidable dismissal of Dr Khan Sahib’s NWFP government in August 1948, when the provincial regime declined to accept even the symbolic elements of the new state of Pakistan.”

THE KHAKSARS FASCISTS ATTEMPTED MANY ASSASSINATIONS ON THE QUAID-E-AZAM. DID THE UNIONISTS-KHAKSARS ASASSINATE LIAQAT ALI KHAN?

Vacuity of ideas did not prevent losers from forming parties. There are many inconsequential movements in the Subcontinent, whose mention is but a footnote in the historical records. The Khaksars are but one of the failed movements that achieved nothing. Being proud of the Khaksars is like being proud of the KKK or being proud of the Nazis of German or the Fascists of Italy. The only difference is that the Nazis and the Fascist caught the imagination of the Italians and the Germans. The Khaksars only caught the imagination of the demented few in the Punjab. Their claim to fame was repeated assassination attempts on the Quaid-e-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

The fundamentalist militia group calling itself the Khaksars were led by their mouse-hearted salar Agha Zaigham in 1938-40. They got their inspiration from the brown shirts of Italy. They patterned their uniforms and their marching style from Mousolinni and his Fascist Party. They were anarchists who wanted total control over everything.

I quote Stanley Wolpert (Jinnah of Pakistan, Page 180):

” Paramilitary Muslim Khaksars were as hostile towards the Muslim League as they were anti-Hindu and anti-Sikh……..As a whole however, the Khaksars never reconciled to Jinnah’s leadership and tried more than once in the next few years to assassinate him”

The Muslim League led by the Quaid-e-Azam and their march towards Pakistan was an impediment to their fascist dreams. I quote the incident from Jinnah of Pakistan by Stanley Wolpert: Page 224.

“Jinnah returned to Bombay from his tour of Baluchistan on Friday, July 23. Three days later, on the afternoon of Monday, July 26, a fanatical young Muslim Khaksar from Lahore, Rafique Sabir Mazangavi, entered the Quaid-i-Azam’s Mount Pleasant Road house and appealed to Jinnah’s secretary, Mr. M.H.Saiyed for an interview with the great leader. Just then Jinnah entered his secretary’s office and asken who Tafiq was and what he wanted ‘I was very busy’, Jinnah testified later in Bombay’s high court. My whole mind was on my correspondence and I was trying to get out of the room. Just as I was about to leave the room, in the twinkling of an eye, the accused sprang on me and gave me a blow with his clenched fist on my left jaw. I naturally reeled back a bit when he pulled out a knife from his wrist….It was an open knife….Instinct of self-defence made me put out my hand and catch his wrist, with the result that the momentum of the blow was broken but in spite of this the knife touched the left side of my jaw. I got a cut near my chin and my coat near the left-shoulder…I also got a wound on my left finger.

The last meeting of the All India Muslim League was held on June 10, 1947…..Here is another incident narrated by Wolpert in Jinnah of Pakistan on Page 329:

“Khaksars rushed in through the once-tranquil garden, entering the hotel lounge ‘brandishing belchas, or sharpened spades…shouting get Jinnah!’ half way up the staircase leading to the ballroom where Jinnah and the Council were ….in session before…League National Guards could grapple with them and turn them back. It took police with tear gas to bring the disturbance to an end. Some fifty Khaksar would-be assassins were arrested….

The movement ended without achieving any results. The Muslim League routed them at the polls and eliminated their attempts at arson and carnage. Their assassination attempts on the Quaid-e-Azam were unsuccessful. Liaqat Ali Khan however did get asassinated.

CRITICISM OF KHAN LIAQAT ALI KHAN

No Pakistani leader can be put on a pedastal and worshipped. Liaqat Ali Khan was a politician, and he faced the political wrath of his opponents. The purpose of persenting his criticism is to learn from history. Could he have formed better alliances with the Unitionists? Could he have curried favor with the Hyatts? Could he have practised more inclusion? Could he have have created more consensus politics? The answer to all the questions is yes. But he lived under enormous pressure. He was a freedom fighter. He was unable to enjoy the fruits of his victories like Fidel Castro. He was unlucky for he did not have the life of Boumediene who was able to lead Algeria to victory, and then was able to give stability and direction to the new nation. Like the Indonesian Sukarno, Liaqat did not survive to enjoy his victories. Like Hazrat Usman, Liaqat Ali Khan faced the charge of nepotism, and like Usman, he too was murdered by his opponents. If a man is known by the stature of his opponents, then Liaqat Ali Khan indeed was a great man.

The Khan was brutally honest, and he was a patriot till his last breath. He had no bank accounts and he built no empires for himself. After his death, his wife Rana Liaqat Ali Khan, had to work as government servant to support the family till she died. The ahtishab commission would have absolved him, for he was never charged with any personal crime of corruption. His struggle with the feudals was the struggle for Pakistan. Sahukat Hyatt has criticized the Quaid and the Muslim League in his ‘memoirs”. Hyatts agenda is clear. Demonize the Khan and demonize Jinnah. Rock the foundations of the leadership of the Muslim League and this will crumble the history on which the country stands. The opponents point of view has to be understood and rebutted. Here is the criticism of the Khan by his greatest enemy.

Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, the last of the prominent Muslim League leaders, has this to say in his Memoirs, “The nationa that lost its soul”, p. 178.

“He (Liaqat Ali Khan) delayed the completion of the Constitution to avoid elections which he could not win because he had no seat in Pakistan and had to be elected by East Pakistan. He, on the advice of officers belonging to the United Provinces, broke the Liaqat-Nehru Pact about the agreed areas for migration from India to Pakistan, requiring the record of property to be exchanged officially. He, quite against the agreement permitted inhabitants of UP and Rajasthan to enter via Khokhrapar – thus opening floodgates endangering the stability of the already overloaded boat of Pakistan. I objected to this in the assembly. This action of Liaqat was quite partial allowing only people from his old Province and the adjoining areas to migrate unfairly into Pakistan in rder to create a seat for himself in Karachi. The people of the rest of the India were left to stew in their own juice. This act of his created a lot of confusion with people getting allotments in Sindh, without records on each other’s dubious evidence. This led to the problems of MQM and their hatred by Sindhis. These refugees got a monopoly of jobs in the cities and deprived local Pakistanis of their rightful share. The political instability still persists.”(source: Page 178 from the “Nation that lost its soul”, enclosed as Vol 2.5 in the document)

Unable to find any flaws with the character and strategy of the freedom fighting Khan, Hyatt uses the race card to discredit the Shaeed-e-Millat. The above criticism of the Khan is invalid due to the following reasons:

In 1947 Forty percent of Pakistan was Hindu and Sikh, and more than 60% of Lahore was Hindu and Sikh. If Pakistan had remained a state with these population ratios, the vialbility of the fledgling state was at stake. A Pakistani nation with 40% Hindus and Sikh could hardly be called Islamic and could hardly have any laws that would allow the propogation of Islam.
The bulk of migration into Pakistan occured across the Punjab border and involved the Muslim Panjabis headed West to West Punjab, and the Hindu and Sikh Punjabis headed East to East Punjab (and Haryana). Lahore, Rawalpindi, Sargodha and Sialkot and other major cities of the Punjab were actually all Hindu or Hindu dominated cities.
Most of the Muslim migration was not into Sindh and it was not out of the UP. In the period right after independence, five Million East Punjabis were exchanged with five million West Punjabi Hindus and Sikhs. About 1.5 million Kashmiris migrated to Lahore. The families of Muslim Leaguers like Nawaz Sharif are progenies of that Kashmiri Muslim migration.
The Nehru-Liaqat pact was not adhered to. The Nehru-Liaqat pact died the day, India refused the transfer of the assets to the government of Pakistan–planes, cars, chairs, gold and bullion. It also died the day, Patel sent his police action into Hydrabad. It died the day Junagarh was denied its right to accede to Pakistan. It died long before Hari Singh acceeded to India.
5) Gurdspur was a Muslim majority area in East Punjab. Gurdaspur was in the natural line of demarcation to be in Pakistan. It was on the Pakistani side of the river. The Radcliff commission gave away Gurdaspur to India because it provided an Indian road link to Kashmir. Gurdaspur had Pakistani flags fluttering everwhere. It was given to India. Read Minto to see the details of the massacre and the rape Muslims in Gurdaspur. The majority of the Muslim majority Punjabi inhabitants were now set on the “Pakistan specials” bound for Lahore and Pakistan. The same story went on in many many town and villages. For details please see Collins (Freedom at Midnight). The Nehru-Liaqat pact faced these types of human tragedies.
The Hyatt criticism fails to mention the alliances Liaqat Ali Khan had with many other non-Unioninst, iddependent andMuslim League Punjabi leaders. Liaqat Ali Khan founded the Punjab Muslim League, nurtured it and used it to defeat the Unionists. The League struggle against the Congress allied with the Unionists is not mentioned by the Hyatt memoirs. The Khan and the League were popular in the Punjab, he had electoral victories in the Punjab to prove this fact. The creation of Pakistan was indeed possible because the Congress-Unionist alliance was defeated in the Punjab.
The Khan formed alliances and chose pro-Pakistani elements. It is obvious that he did not promote the likes of Hyatt because he did not want pro-Congress sympathizers in his government. Many/most of the early Muslim Leagers from the Punjabwere the allies of the Khan. These very leaders formed the intelligencia of the Punjab and Pakistan today.
The instability in Sindh is a complex issue created by many mistakes. Some of these mistakes are bing rectified by the PML-MQM government in power.
The battles in the streets of Karachi are ethnic and religious in nature, all conflicts have that element, but the main cause of friction is Karachi and Urban Sindh is ECONOMIC. To brand the problems as ethnic is dismissing a phenomenon that has to do with the evolution of South Asian society.

Here is a more credible historian who paints us a realistic picture of the events of Pakistani freedom. The book is “HAD THERE BEEN NO JINNAH” (@1989 by Salahuddin Khan Printed by: PanGraphics (Pvt) Ltd. Islamabad.pages 14-15

In a letter to Jinnah, in January 1937, Nehru declared,

“In the final analysis, there are only two forces in Indiatoday- British Imperialism, and the Congress representing Indian Nationalism, the Muslim Leaguerepresents a group of Muslims, having no contact withthe Muslim masses.”

This statement was indeed a great victory for the League for Jinnah and for Liaqat Ali Khan. It defeated the Unionist-Congress alliance in the Punjab and the Badsha Khan-Congress alliance in Sarhad. Both alliances would have defeated Pakistan if allowed to flourish.

I quote from Reference which is very anti-Liaqat, but this gives us a very deep insight into the politics of the time:

“Punjabi chauvinism and Liaqat Ali Khan’s favoritism was at each others throat. The fight was furious and Mr. Khan was not a gentleman either. Mr. Khan was desperate to build his political base in the newly formed state. He could go to any length to achieve his personal goals” .

Political History of Pakistan, Vol. 4, edited by Hasan Jafar Zaidi, Idara-Mutala-i-Tarikh. pp 185-187

Liqat Ali Khan was a philanthropist, who took keen interest in developing the Muslims of East Punjab the place of his birth. He supported many instituions in Karnal and assisted as many Muslims as he could. Details of his philanthropy are clearly listed in Professor Ziauddin’s book Liaqat Ali Khan: Builder of Pakistan. He chose the old Muslim Leaguers who had supported the Quaid and had fought for Pakistan. It did not matter where the supporters originated—–the test was loyalty to Pakistan.

Charging Liaqat Ali Khan with nepotism, and commenting on the appointments Liaqat Ali Khan had made, here is another quote from the Political History of Pakistan:

Hashim Raza, administrator Karachi; his brother Kazim Raza, IG police; Aal-e-Raza, also brother of Hashim, Public Prosecutor; Superintendent CID; Home Secretary Punjab, all of them from UP. Liaqat Ali Khan did all this to secure his political success from Karachi at least.

Here is Hasan Jafar Zaidi defending Liaqat Ali Khan:

It doesn’t mean that Punjab was being suppressed. The then chief secretary East Bengal, Aziz Ahmad was from Punjab. The commander of army in Bengal was (you guessed it right) Maj. General Ayub Khan was from Hazar…. They never gave the respect to political leadership of Bengal either.

This incorrect sentiment against Liaqat Ali Khan (planted by the antagonist of the Muslim League, the great feudal Mr. Khizar Hyatt and the pro-Congress, and anti-Pakistan, Unionist Party ) has been uprooted in our historical records and died in the feudal stronghold of Rawalpindi and the Potowar region (the Hyatt-Tiwans stronghold). After the creation of Pakistan the pro-Congress/Gandhi Unionist Party of Punjab went extinct but the remnants of the old political guard still oppose the Muslim League or what it stood for. Shaheed-e-Millats anniversary cannot be ignored. It is the anniversary of the victory for Pakistan. Liaqat Ali Khan has been given his rightful place in history. The ablest lieutenants of the Quaid has his place next to the the Quaid. The nation calls him shahed-e-millat. Pakistani patriots call him shaheed-e-millat. If Quaid-e- Azam was the founder of nation, Quaid-e-Millat, Liaqat Ali Khan was the builder of the state.

Preservation of our history is our sacred duty. This site would be a very boring place without the interactive dialogue and the criticism of our leadershsip. Criticism of our leaders is an essential part of the dialogue. More criticism of the Khan and of the Muslim League will be rebutted in the columns.

THE END

APPEENDIX A

Recently declassified doucments regarding Liaqat Ali Khan’s assassination

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Pakistan: Partition and Military Succession

Documents from the U.S. National Archives

POLITICAL INTRIGUE

Assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan
Ghulam Mohammed
Iskander Mirza
April 1953 Coup
Constititional Coup of September 21, 1954
Mohammed Ayub Khan
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
Jamaat-e-Islami
Muslim Brotherhood
Matta Riot
Anti-Communist Program in East Pakistan
misc political

Assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan

G-2 BID Report No. R-91-48, June 15, 1948

Subjects Touched on by Liaquat Ali Khan in Speeches During His Tour of Western Pakistan, Oct. 5, 1948

Congen Lahore reports Liaquat shot this afternoon while attending meeting of Muslim City League at Rawalpindi. Operated on due two shots in chest. Hospital reports wound serious but not rpt not necessarily fatal. Assailant killed by crowd not rpt not yet identified. Information not rpt not yet confirmed by GOP Karachi. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 16, 1951

Prime Minister killed at Rawalpindi by Islam League fanatic. No rpt no internal disturbances reported. … Embassy informed Cabinet meeting tomorrow to be presided over by Governor Gen. who will probably step down as GG and take over temporarily as PM. Reference EmbDesp 409 October 4. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Oct. 16, 1951

Although popular information attributes assassination to Khaksars, high authority in Government informs Embassy that killer Syed Akhbar, was an Afghan national and was motivated by (1) Pukhtoonistan sentiment and anger over political detention of his brother and (2) resentment over Pak Govts cautious attitude toward Kashmir. Killer had participated in Kashmir war. Source says connection with Pukhtoonistan will not rpt not be released to press. Killer left his home in Abbotabad for Rawalpindi on 14th. Emergency meeting of available Cabinet Ministers with Secy Gen Mohamed Ali presiding just concluded. No rpt no indication successor; decision probably not rpt not made. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 16, 1951

Government press information department is now telling press that assassin was Afghan national. Press information officer now says identity established as member of Jagran tribe. Present state of public opinion indicates strong possibility of public demand for war if this information accepted by public. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 17, 1951

The Situation in Pakistan, Oct. 17, 1951

Comment on the Assassination of the Pakistani Prime Minister, Oct. 17, 1951

The Assassination of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Oct. 18, 1951

Special Note: The Assassination of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Oct. 18, 1951 (11 pages; William Langer’s name appears on report)

I have just talked with Ghulam Mohd who asked me to send you his affectionate greetings. He said he is bearing up very well under shock of Liaquat’s death and necessity for taking immediate decisions that have resulted in his appointment and Nazimuddin’s Premiership. They are being sworn in tomorrow afternoon at four. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 18, 1951

This p.m. I had tea with Ghulam Mohammed following his arrival from Rawalpindi by train. He stood journey without undue fatigue and his convalescence does not appear to have been retarded by shocks of last 2 days. He will take oath of office as Governor General tomorrow at 4 p.m. and will immediately swear in Nazimuddin as PM. Announcement of new Cabinet will not be made immediately. Liaquat’s cabinet will continue in their various port-folios for time being. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Oct. 18, 1951

The Pakistan government has identified the assassin of Liaquat Ali Khan, late Prime Minister of Pakistan, as being Sayed Akber, son of Babrak Khan. If that assertion is true, the above mentioned Sayed Akber, together with his brother, [Za]marak, insurged against the government of Afghanistan in 1944 at a place named Elmara in Jadran, situated in the southern province of Afghanistan. The government forces defeated the insurrection and the two brothers escaped. After wandering for some time, they surrendered themselves to the British frontier authorities who interned them in Abot Abad, and granted them regular salaries. After the partition of India, the said Sayed Akber was given asylum by the Pakistan government. It is clear, therefore, that the said Sayed Akber had no connection whatsoever with Afghanistan, which looks upon such activities with great indignation. Official Afghan Reaction to Press Implications of Afghan Complicity in Assassination of Pakistan Prime Minister, Oct. 18, 1951

Iskander Mirza Defense Secretary called on me yesterday morning before cabinet meeting and asked my advice regarding Pak Govt attitude on publicity as to Afghan nationality of Primins assassin, money found in his possession, etc. I asked if facts were true and he said they were. I said that further publicity on this line would have bad effect on popular mind and he apparently agreed. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 19, 1951

Reliable source in Pak Intelligence Bureau reports that Pak Govt has been aware intelligence activities of Afghan Consul in Peshawar for some time and that he is known to have had recent and frequent contacts with Syed Akhbar, Assassin of Primin. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 19, 1951

Press reaction including Bengali to assassination Liaquat Ali Khan: papers repeat GOI official’s remarks and expand expressions sympathy and condemnation of violence in editorials. Moderation is keynote throughout with exception extreme leftist press including Communist “Swadhinata” which states “Liaquat’s death only reflects inevidable disaster that overtakes policy of playing lackey to Anglo-American Powers,” also accuses Nazimuddin of “Western bias” and of planning prevention improvement position Suhrawardy. … Speculation in Calcutta tends emphasize probability assassination resulted same group (military) whose planned coup March 1951 nipped by GOP. Sources think military extremists hands strengthened. Restricted Telegram from Consulate General, Calcutta, Oct. 19, 1951

Afghan Charge handed Department October 18 translated communique from Kabul for local press, stating in summary if GOP identification Liaquat’s assassin Syed Akhbar as Afghan national correct, it was clear Akhbar and brother involved in unsuccessful insurrection against GOA 1944 southern province following which they interned India. Communique indicated GOA revulsion assassination. … Embassy Kabul should seek occasion soonest convey substance above remarks Foreign Office. While Department recognizes necessity Afghan pronouncement in answer implications press reports, believes best interest both countries served by limiting public discussion. Request earliest transmission fullest information and Embassy comments re alleged 1944 insurrection and possibility Commie instigation assassination. Secret Telegram from Secretary of State, Oct. 20, 1951

[] reports Afghan Consul Peshawar presently in Kabul. This confirmed by British Embassy clerk who when on October 16 asked for transport in Egyptian Embassy vehicle from Peshawar to Kabul was told seat was unavailable because Afghan Consul had been promised transport to Kabul. Embassy feels Afghan Consul’s departure not rpt not necessarily connected with assassination as no rpt no information established connection available this time. Afghan press today admits Liaquat assassin may have been one Syed Akbar from Khost Province in Afghan but stated that he and brother Zamarak had fled to South Waziristan in 1945 after inciting unsuccessful rebellion and were later resettled in Abbotabad and given pensions by British thus losing Afghan nationality. Consequently, press maintains Afghan cannot rpt not be held in any way responsible. Other source states assassin and two brothers (one named Izmair) were members leading family Hjadran tribe in Khost Province and fled to South Waziristan when tribe was defeated in 1945 uprising against Khost Provincial Government. Also states assassin was member “Red Shirt” organization but affiliation two surviving brothers, now residing Pakistan, unknown. Secret Telegram from Kabul Embassy, Oct. 21, 1951

It seems generally accepted in [Rawalpindi and Peshawar] that Afghan Consul was paymaster of assassin PAK PRIMIN. According to one story Consul made trip to Afghan frontier in own car and upon arrival paid off his Pak chauffeur. Chauffeur allegedly had no previous knowledge of trip or fact he was to be dismissed and on return Peshawar spole of matter to friends and to Pak Intelligence. In conversations with various non-official persons, including Pashtuns, it was stated as self-evident fact that Pashtuns as group have always provided assassins for suitable price. Pashtun racial background of assassin SEYED AKBAR was accepted as wholly natural. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 22, 1951

The Current Outlook in Pakistan, Oct. 22, 1951

In accordance GOP request Pakistan Press has refrained since October 19 from referring to Afghan connections of assassin. Government has not released to public information that assassin was in contact with Afghan Consul at Peshawar. GOP has no information indicating any commie connection with assassination. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 23, 1951

Secret Telegram from Kabul Embassy, Oct. 23, 1951

Embassy today received Circular from Afghan Embassy containing following remarks: Assassin said Akhbar and brother revolted against Afghan government 1944. After defeat rebellion they fled over border and finally gave up selves to British authorities. For some unknown reason British gave them shelter in Abbottabad, center of Hazara district, and also gave them money to live on. After division Pakistan and India, Pakistan government, unconcerned about international law or acknowledged neighborly behavior, have been investigating against government of Afghanistan and, among other activities, have sought services of this assassin. His late crime proves that assassin was not only enemy of present regime Afghanistan but, through some other mysterious machinations in Pakistan itself, he also became enemy of Pakistan government. Government and people Afghanistan who could have possibly no connection with assassin look upon such base and mean crime with abhorrence and disdain. Secret Telegram from Moscow Embassy, Oct. 26, 1951

Under headline reading “Is Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination result of a deep-laid American conspiracy?”, leftist Urdu daily Bhopal named Nadeem published article October 24 charging US with responsibility. Summary article follows:

[...]It was learned within Pakistani Foreign Office that while UK pressing Pakistan for support re Iran, US demanded Pakistan exploit influence with Iran and support Iran transfer oil fields to US. Liaquat declined request. US threatened annul secret pact re Kashmir. Liaquat replied Pakistan had annexed half Kashmir without American support and would be able to take other half. Liaquat also asked US evacuate air bases under pact. Liaquat demand was bombshell in Washington. American rulers who had been dreaming conquering Soviet Russia from Pakistan air bases were flabbergasted. American minds set thinking re plot assassinate Liaquat. US wanted Muslim assassin to obviate international complications. US could not find traitor in Pakistan as had been managed Iran, Iraq, Jordan. Washington rulers sounded US Embassy Kabul. American Embassy contacted Pashtoonistan leaders, observing Liaquat their only hurdle; assured them if some of them could kill Liaquat, US would undertake establish Pashtoonistan by 1952. Pashtoon leaders induced Akbar undertake job and also made arrangements kill him to conceal conspiracy. USG-Liaquat differences recently revealed by Graham report to SC; Graham had suddenly opposed Pakistan although he had never given such indication. [...] Cartridges recovered from Liaquat body were American-made, especially for use high-ranking American officers, usually not available in market. All these factors prove real culprit behind assassin is US Government, which committed similar acts in mid-East. “Snakes” of Washington’s dollar imperialism adopted these mean tactics long time ago. Confidential Telegram No. 1532 from New Delhi Embassy, Oct. 30, 1951

Recommend Department ignore article summarized in Delhi’s 1532. It is compilation of utter falsehoods whose vituperation is some degree worse than articles that appear from time to time in Bombay’s Commie-line “Blitz”. To issue any statement labeling the facts in the article as lies will only give Nadeem an importance it does not merit. The investigation into background of Liaquat’s assassination is being conducted with extreme care and well guarded secrecy. Gurmani tells me an intercept has been obtained which if backed up by further material may reveal the assassination had some inspiration and followed the pattern of Razmara’s assassination in Teheran. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embasssy, Oct. 31, 1951

Since article apparently not rpt not widely circulated, Department believes preferable not rpt not issue public denial. In its discretion, however, Embassy might informally mention case MEA with comment story so preposterous no rpt no public denial intended. Would be interesting to know whether this story of character which led adoption recent press law. Ownership management NADEEM should be discreetly be investigated. Confidential Telegram from State Dept., Nov. 1, 1951

Soviet Press today carried Prague Despatch reporting Rude Pravo article based Afghan press agency “Bahtar” information re assassination Liaquat Ali. Despatch states after escaping Afghanistan due murders and other crimes “Said Akbar ran to India and there under protection British authorities which gave him refuge in Abbotabad and provided him money. After partition India Akbar remained in Pakistan where he continued make use protection of certain British circles.” “These facts adduced by Afghan press supporting position that murder Liaquat Ali was result intrigue of imperialists in Asian countries.” Secret Telegram from Moscow Embassy, Nov. 3, 1951 [only first page located]

The Embassy questions the premise stated in the first sentence of the Airgram under reference (“Lack of spontaneous anti-Indian and anti-Afghan popular outburst over both July war scare and Liaquat’s assassination suggests feeling on Kashmir and Afghan disputes mostly government inspired.”) … The anti-Afghan agigation that spontaneously sprang up on October 16-17 was effectively stopped by the GOP’s prompt exercise of its official and unofficial powers of censorship over the press, even to the extent of preventing reference after October 17 to the assassin’s Afghan origin. Popular Feeling in Pakistan on Kashmir and Afghan Issues, Nov. 10, 1951

With regard to the assassination of the Prime Minister in Rawalpindi, Colonel Massart stated that he had not attended the meeting because of his UN position. He stated that part of the public reaction was a great surprise to him, since he found some of the non-commissioned officers nto expressing horror, but making remarks, “He should have known better to come to Rawalpindi, where he should have known that he would be shot.” The Colonel considers that Rawalpindi was a center of “anti-Liaquat feeling.” Confidential Telegram from Lahore Consulate, Nov. 14, 1951

Acting Foreign Minister Hussain informed me tonight in conversation called at his request that Paks had recd information over past two-three weeks that Afghan authorities rpt Afghan authorities had recently surreptitiously released from incarceration over 120 known killers with orders infiltrate Pak and eliminate Pak public men. At first Paks did not believe but Hussain states that information has now reached Paks causing them consider reports beyond doubt. He would not reveal sources of latter information beyond admitting that some came from Pak Embassy Kabul but with most from many other sources. Added that if other public men assassinated by suspected Afghan nationals government will be unable hold people in check. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Nov. 15, 1951

Liaquat Ali Khan was buried in the same manner (tomb) as Jinnah. In order to accomplish this, a wall behind Jinnah’s grave was torn down and access to the grave for the funeral procession was across a raised marble floor surrounding Jinnah’s mazar to Liaquat’s grave in the rear. This has continued to be the primary avenue to the grave of Liaquat used by the many mourners who still visit there every day. It is reliably reported, however, that Fatima Jinnah ordered the caretaker of Quaid-i-Azam’s mazar to rebuild the wall. She later repeated the request to the Secretary of the Ministry of Works. The matter was put before the Minister and on the same day orders were given to raise up the wall again. However, shortly afterwards the new wall was torn down by what was variously described in the press as a “bevy of All-Pakistan Women’s Association amazons” to a “mob from Quaiddbad.” M.A. Zuberi, Editor of the Evening Star told an officer of the Embassy that, in fact, two officers of the All-Pakistan Women’s Association, of which Begum Liaquat Ali Khan is President, incited a group of people at the mazar to tear down the wall. Public Role of Ms. Fatima Jinnah Since Assassination of Liaquat, Nov. 17, 1951

The Commission inquiring into the security precautions taken at time of Liaquat’s assassination reconvened Lahore Jan. 3. Among witnesses examined since convening are Khan Najaf Khan, Special Police, and Anwar Ali, Deputy Inspector General of Police, CIA (in “camera”). No conclusive findings made or announced thus far. Political and Economic Developments for the Week Ending Jan. 8, 1952, Jan. 8, 1952

Political Developments in Pakistan, Sept.-Dec. 1951, Jan. 30, 1952

The most significant internal development during the quarter, bearing on US interests and objectives, was Liaquat’s assassination. Aside from being an avowed friend of the US, Liaquat was a constructive factor of decision and strength, both in government and party leadership. … It seems clear that Prime Minister Nazimuddin, though basically friendly to the West, lacks the stubborn firmness that served Liaquat, the Muslim League and the country as a whole in its early formative years. Confidential Telegram A-251 from Karachi Embassy, Feb. 11, 1952

Political Developments in Pakistan, January 1952, Feb. 25, 1952

Summary of report Liaquat assassination enquiry commission, released by GOP yesterday, being sent in clear Embtel following. Emb believes commission report which is vague and inconclusive leaves cabinet in more vulnerable position than before enquiry started. Motive not established, according to released summary, and GOP now wide open to accusations by its critics of suppression of info and of not satisfying public demand, accusationswhich were made before release. It seems possible that summary is much watered-down version of full report in hands of GOP and that full facts will not be made public. Cabinet particularly vulnerable on enquiry commission’s announcement that info would not be divulged on three conspiracies uncovered. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Aug. 18, 1952

Siddiq Wahab, one of speakers at public meeting August 14 addressed by Larachi Muslim League dissidents, arrested by police Aug 18 for “promoting hatred against Govt.” Emb local employees who attended meeting state that in addition to demanding publication Liaquat assassination enquiry report Wahab accused Nazimuddin and some of his cabinet of complicity in Liaquat assassination. Wahab is a director of large Karachi Urdu daily Anjam. Begum Liaquat in statement issued to press Aug 18 has strongly criticized published enquiry report. She stated “anybody reading report will be impressed particularly by wise reserve with which Commission left open the all important qusetion … that is, whether or not act of assassin was individiaul act of Said Akbar or perpetrated by him in pursuance of conspiracy,” and added “it is for nation now they have seen report to judge for themselves whether they satisfied with steps so far taken to track down hidden hand behind tragedy.” Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Aug. 19, 1952

Speculation is wide that the assassination was part of a conspiracy involving persons high in provincial or Central Govt. Khan Najaf Khan seems to be the convenient scapegoat. In fact careful reading of report shows there was negligent handling of security measures all down the line and at the inquiry both the Punjab Govt. and the North West Frontier Province Govt. seemed far more interested in passing the blame to each other and in covering up for their own officials than in getting at the truth. NWFP is involved because the assassin was under local detention in Abbotabad, NWFP, and was not supposed to make a move without police permission. Political and Economic Developments for the Week Aug 17-23, Aug. 25, 1952

Sudden death in air crash of GOP Inspector General of Police brought forth revelation that he was to be officially assigned to case. Press sources claimed he was already secretly working on it. H.S. Suhrawardy, head of opposition Junnah Awami League called on GOP to compel Punjab Government to do its duty in getting to the bottom of the assassination conspiracy. Political and Economic Summary for Week Aug. 24-29, 1952, Aug. 30, 1952

The Inquiry Committee investigating the recent plane crash in which GOP Inspector General of Police was killed has revealed that all the principal documents relating to the Liaquat assassination investigation were on the plane and had been received safely. It is believed here by some that this is another link in the chain of suspicious events surrounding the assassination. Had the plane burned on crashing, as tehre was good reason to expect, all the documents would have conveniently disappeared and the investigation would have practically come to an end. This of course has served to increase the rumors that high officials are implicated in the assassination and are making every effort to prevent an honest and efficient investigation. Political and Economic Summary for Week August 30 – September 5, 1952, Sept. 9, 1952

The release of the report which hinted at dark conspiracies and accused several police officials of derelication of duty in failing to take proper security precautions, opened the dam for a flood of rumors, suppositions and speculations. The most popularly accepted theory was that the assassination was the result of a conspiracy in which high officials were involved and that efforts had been, and were being made, to suppress an impartial and thorough inquiry. The Inquiry Commission was appointed by the Punjab government and much criticism was heaped on its head as a result of the report. Many demands were made for the Central Government to take up the investigation. Soon after the report was published, the Inspector General of Police of Pakistan was killed in a freak air crash. In the plane wreckage were found all the documents pertaining to the investigation. It thus leaked out that the central government had in fact been working on the case through a few days earlier the Prime Minister had stated that it was a purely provincial matter. The rumor factories at once linked the air crash with alleged attempts at suppression of evidence and concluded that it was all part of a well laid plan. However, after a few days of sensational reporting of the case the press did a black out and popular curiosity seems to have died down. Bi-Monthly Political Report – July and August, 1952, Sept. 12, 1952

Khan Najaf Khan, Police Official accused of negligence in failing to take proper security precautions for the safety of Liaquat has reportedly answered the charge sheet served on him. The burden of his answer is not yet revealed but it is assumed by all he will plead not guilty to the charges. Begum Liaquat has again charged that the government is dragging its feet in pressing the investigation of the assassination. COMMENT: It is widely rumored here that the charges against Najaf Khan are merely a cover for the parties really responsible for the assassination. Bazaar rumors are to the effect that he will be temporarily suspended but taken care of either financially or otherwise. Begum Liaquat has not failed to point out the inconsistency of the claim made by the GOP Prime Minister that the investigation was a purely provincial matter with the later revelation that the GOP Inspector General of Police was investigating the matter on behalf of the Central Govt and was conveniently killed in a recent plane crash. It has also been stated soto voce that the true instigators of the assassination are the same persons behind the Rawalpindi conspiracy to overthrow the government. A connection of some sort was hinted at in the official report of the assassination investigation. The link, it is rumored, lies in the fact that Liaquat was insisting on the death penalty for the conspirators and it was therefore necessary to eliminate him. Whether this connection is true or not, it is a fact that after Liaquat’s death the charges against the conspirators seem to have reached a stalemate and there are recent consistent reports of their impending release. ConGen officer was told by Finlay’s representative in Lahore that his company had received a letter signed by “ex-Major General Akbar Khan, Hyderabad Central Jail” inquiring as to prices of tractors and other agricultural equipment and stating that the writer expected to engage in large scale cultivation “within six months.” General Akbar Khan was the ringleader of the Rawalpindi conspiracy, and this communication if true would seem to indicate that at least the chief protagonist expects to be released in the near future. Political and Economic Summary, September 29-October 6, 1952, Oct. 6, 1952

Unnamed spokesman for GOP answered Begum Liaquat’s charges that investigation not pursued as actively as possible. He explained position of central govt. vis a vis provincial govt as being limited by Constitution to that of providing coordination and advice, but repeated that Law and Order are provincial subjects under Constitution. Punjab govt appointed Justice Abu Akram of the Federal Court of Pak to inquire into charges proferred against Khan Najaf Khan, police official accused of negligence in assassination. Weekly Political and Economic Summary, Oct. 6-12, 1952, Oct. 13, 1952

The formal inquiry before Mr. Justice Abu Saleh Mohammed Akram of the Federal Court, against Khan Najaf Khan, police official accused of negligence, started this week. It is being held in camera. Comment: It should be noted that a Federal court judge has been selected to conduct the inquiry in order to avoid the charges of provincialism which were levelled at the Assassination Commission itself. Nevertheless confidential reports reaching ConGen are to the effect that the present inquiry will be a whitewash and that Justice Akram is under the influence of Chief Min. Daultana and was selected for this very reason. Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events, Oct. 20-26, 1952, Oct. 27, 1952

An unconfirmed news item appearing in the local press stated that the Punjab Govt is considering taking action against Khan Najaf Khan, Police Official, who has been accused of negligence in the Liaquat Assassination Commission Report. … According to the report if Mr. Najaf Khan is found to have been guilty of negligence he may appeal his case to the Central Govt as he in fact belongs to the Pak Police Service and is only on loan to the Punjab. Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events, 18-25 January 1953, Jan. 26, 1953

The Punjab police have completed the inquiry into the assassiantion of the late Prime Minister, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, and now the scene of inquiry has been shifted to the Frontier Province where the Inquiry Board consisting of Director of the Intelligence Bureau and the Inspector-General of police of the Punjab and the Frontier, will continue further investigations. Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events, Feb 23-3/1, 1953, March 2, 1953

According to a press report Khan Najaf Khan has been exonerated by the Pakistan Public Service Commission. At the time of Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination Najaf Khan was Senior Superintendent of Police at Rawalpindi and was also acting as the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in that area. Mr. Justice Abu Saleh Mohammad Akram, a Judge of the Federal Court, had conducted an inquiry against Khan Najaf Khan in connection with Liaquat Ali’s murder. Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events, June 18-24, 1953, June 25, 1953

The agitation to force the Government to publish the report of the commission investigating former Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination and to induce the Government to adopt more stringent measures to apprehend the guilty parties was continued during the reporting period. A DAWN suggestion that Scotland Yard be called in to solve the murder elicited strong pro and con feelings. Weekly Summary of Political Developments for the Week Ending October 30, 1953, Oct. 31, 1953

With considerable emotion, Begum Liaquat spoke about the assassination of her husband, the late Prime Minister. She said it was fantastic that two years after a murder in broad daylight before thousands of peopel, not one arrest had been made. What harm could come from a thorough investigation? Witnesses had not been questioned, no real attempt at investigation had been made, and yet when a demand for this was made, the Government not only refused but “hired” the editor of a paper who himself had been in jail under a previous Cabinet (Suleri of the Times of Karachi) to campaign against Dawn and the people demanding an investigation. Memorandum of Conversation with Begum Liaquat Ali Khan, Nov. 21, 1953

No, repeat no, objection Prime Minister announcing he intends request US aid in obtaining services private, repeat private, investigator. You should make clear to Prime Minister this assent does not guarantee success in finding satisfactory person in US and that US Government participation would extend only to informal aid in search for investigator as it has offered such aid to Pakistan on previous occasions for technical experts. Secret Telegram from State Dept., Dec. 29, 1953

Nur Ahmed … urged that the appointment of a “foreign expert” to investigate the murder of Liaquat Ali Khan be made before October 16, the anniversary of Liaquat’s death. Nogum Nahie [?], Karachi Municipal Councillor, whose press statements, like those of Nur Ahmed, appear with rather astonishing frequency, asked on October 5th why the promised “foreign expert” had not appeared. “The Prime Minister’s broadcasts say nothing about the matter nearest to every Pakistani’s heart. Maybe foreign detectives are here and are at work.” Summary of Political Events for Week Ending October 8, 1954, Oct. 9, 1954

Anniversary of the death of Liaquat Ali Khan - Begum Liaquat Ali Khan, newly appointed Ambassador to the Netherlands and widow of the former Prime Minister, assassinated on October 16, 1951, issued a 500 word statement from the Hague calling for a solution to the crime and asking six leading questions: 1) “Why” was Liaquat murdered at the height of his popularity, “on the eve of … important policy decisions”; 2) “Why” was the assassin shot after he had already been overpowered; 3) “Why” was the police official responsible (for shooting the assassin) promoted instead of punished; 4) “Why” were “certain interested and influential persons within the country … anxious to remove Liaquat”; 5) “Why” is the Quad-i-Azam’s name “being subtly and unjustly ignored”; 6) “Why” are these questions not answered. Liaquat’s son, Wilayat Ali Khan, also issued a statement in which he pointed to the political and economic deterioration of Pakistan in the past three years and called upon the Central and Provincial Governments to cooperate with the newly appointed foreign expert, C.P. U’ren in his investigation. The Karachi Muslim League organized a public meeting at Jehangir Park, Karachi, to commemorate the anniversary. The principal speaker, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, spoke generally on the “economic deterioration” of the country, provincialism, and eulogized the former Prime Minister. He claimed that Liaquat had been pressing for certain reforms at the time of his assassination. Nishtar was followed on the platform by Mohsin Siddiqi, General Secretary of the Karachi Muslim League adn by S. M. Taufique, President of the Karachi Muslim League. Weekly Summary of Political Events for Week Ending October 23, 1954, Oct. 23, 1954

Ghulam Mohammed

Ghulam Mohammed says he has no intention of dying before his work of building Pak has been reinforced and more progress made in organizing the Muslim world against Communism. He wants you to know that Zafrulla, Gurmani and he have no intention of allowing “India’s pin-pricks” to lead to an evolvement of war. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Sept. 7, 1951

Ghulam Mohammed emphatically repudiated the insinuation in some sections of the press that the help received by Pakistan from foreign countries had any political strings. He stated that “Pakistan’s freedom and independence were not for barter – but that it was an Islamic obligation to acknowledge kindness with gratitude.” Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events – May 14-20, May 21, 1953

The subject of the Eyes Only telegram No. 341 of November 2 from Karachi on the question of the dangers of Pakistan constitutional development along theocratic lines was handled in the following manner. … The President did not refer directly to the question of religious influence referred to above but by his questions let it be known that we in the United States had an interest in seeing Pakistan work out her problems so that she would have an effective constitution. Discussion with Ghulam Mohammed, Nov. 13, 1953

Regarding Kashmir, I apprehended trouble from Nehru and he is now trying to use the American aid to us as an excuse for going back on international stipulations and obligations. We took a calculated risk in these two matters depending on your word and promise. I do hope you will stand by us so that Nehru is not allowed to get out of international obligations and is not able to throw dust in the eyes of the world over Kashmir on the excuse of American aid. I appreciate the delecacy of the situation, but I feel that my country can rely on your promise to ensure justice for us. Letter from Ghulam Mohammed to John Foster Dulles, March 23, 1954

The Embassy desires to emphasize again that these documents were given to the Ambassador in the strictest confidence and any revelation of the source would seriously damage relationships with the Governor General. … “I have in the course of my discussions regarding Arab countries joining USA and other countries in a plan for mutual defense, felt that there is a wave of opposition in some Arab countries and that others are lukewarm. My discussions have shown that this opposition proceeds from the causes set out below which need early attention … Transmittal of Revised Document Received from the Governor General, May 21, 1954

I told the Governor General that he was being credited by the U.S. with having been helpful in bettering relations between Saudi Arabia and the United States during the Haj visit, whereupon the Governor General said the King was just like a nephew to him. Memorandum of Conversation with Governor General Ghulam Mohammed, Nov. 4, 1954

Pakistan’s Leaders Face Difficulties in Achieving Political Stability, Feb. 4, 1955

Ghulam Mohammed has in fact assumed virtual dictatorial powers. Embassy convinced however Department’s assumption correct that immediate motive is to serve administrative convenience. … Re Callahan’s predictions concerning indefinite deferral democracy, Embassy considers these observations indicate failure understand real nature of problem here. Fact of matter is Pakistan lacks most of essential elements which provide basis for democratic government in Western countries and effort to judge developments here by degree which they approximate standards appropriate these countries altogether unrealistic and almost totally irrelevant. Secret Telgram from Karachi Embassy, March 30, 1955

According to a usually reliable source in the Governor-General’s household, Ghulam Mohammed kept General Mirza and Chaudhri Mohammad Ali on tenterhooks for several days as he refused to sign the resignation prepared for him. He was rational for several days preceding the ceremonial ten described in the referenced despatch but “childishly” stubborn about signing away the last vestige of his rule. His daughter’s and son-in-law’s entreaties failed, but an aide finally persuaded him to sign by promising him a trip to his favorite Muslim shrine near Lucknow, India. The source, a layman, described Ghulam Mohammed’s mental affliction as a failure of blood supply to one portion of the brain. This condition is permanent; Ghulam Mohammed’s health continues to improve but he will never again have the full use of his faculties. For almost two months after his stroke on June 27 Ghulam Mohammed’s utterances were 90 percent irrational; the proportion is now reversed. Ghulam Mohammed’s Resignation, Sept. 23, 1955

Iskander Mirza

Lt. Col Iskander Mirza, Secy of Defense Ministry, today asked Emb Army Attache pass following to me: Major General Akbar Khan “is 100 percent Communist” and has been in contact with Communists since he recently took up his job as Chief of Staff at Rawalpindi. In personal opinion Col Mirza, conspirators motivated by dissatisfaction with GOP handling of Kashmir issue and feeling that Pak should turn away from Western powers and toward Soviet Union. In addition to those whose arrest has been announced, Air Commodore Janjua, senior Pak airman recently returned from school in UK is under house arrest. Janjua is known to have been in contact with conspiring army officers. Two unnamed communists, presumably civilian, are being sought but have gone underground. Brigadier Hussain, Director Interservices Intelligence, expressed opinion to Army Attache that there is some unrest in Pak Army especially among junior officers and enlisted men, because of failure to settle Kashmir issue. Some members of Army strongly believe a change in Govt is only solution. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, March 10, 1951

When I called upon Sec Def (Mirza) this date on the MDAP matter he volunteered the following information which he asked me to pass on to the American Ambassador: a. Major General Akhbar Khan, senior military man involved in the conspiracy, is 100% communist. When he came to Rawalpindi as Chief of General Staff he contacted the communists of the Punjab. b. In addition to the people mentioned in the paper as having been arrested, the senior Pakistani Air Officer, Air Commodore Jinjua, recently returned from UK is in “house arrest.” He had conferred with the defecting army officers. c. In the opinion of Colonel Mirza, dissatisfaction with the handling of the Kashmir affair is probably behind this affair. He thinks that these officers wish to change their governments orientation from the West to Russia. d. He thinks that the Russian Embassy to Pakistan had something to do with the plot. He said that the Embassy had spent considerable money in the Punjab, to the extent of giving cameras to people. Secret Memorandum for the Record, March 10, 1951

Colonel Mirza, GOP Defense Secretary, stated to ConGen while visiting Lahore that Martial Law should be continued for a considerable period, in order that the politicians woudl understand that they had a duty of patriotism toward the country and could not act for their own selfish purposes. He did not indicate what period of time Martial Law would remain in force. He also stated that it was necessary that the civilian authorities did not revoke any of the Court Martial sentences. Without making a statement to that effect, he gave the impression that he was of the opinion that Daultana should be removed. Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events, March 12-18, 1953, March 19, 1953 [emphasis in original]

I am convinced that at the present time the Government of Pakistan is being influenced strongly by a group of civil servants who have the backing, if not the actual participation, of the Pakistan Army. As far as I can determine, the definite members of this clique are Iskander Mirza, Akhtar Husain, and Agha Hilaly. Inasmuch as it is almost impossible for anything to happen at the secretarial level without the knowledge of the Cabinet Secretary, Aziz Ahmad, and inasmuch as he attended the Cabinet meeting on the night of February 26 at which the decision was taken to act firmly in the religious agitation, it is more than probably that Aziz is a participant. More than likely his brother, Ghulam Ahmad, the Interior Secretary and Intelligence Chief, is also involved. … I do not believe the group has influence or power enough yet to dictate political decisions to the Prime Minister. … AS you will recall from my conversation with General Ayub, I was told by Ayub that while he was reluctant to enter politics, he would take “no nonsense from the Center.” That, of course, was before the declaration of martial law in Lahore. Iskander Mirza subsequently told Col. Ashworth that as long as the Central Government proceeded in the right direction it would have Army support. He, too, implied that they would step in if there were signs of deviation from the present firm policy. Top Secret Office Memorandum of Karachi Embassy, April 6, 1953

Gen. Iskander Mirza leaves tonight midnight for Dacca to assume Governorship East Bengal tomorrow. … Impossible predict reaction East Bengal; violence certainly may occur. Mirza emphasizes has no desire rule by military force alone recognizes necessity establish clean administration. At same time he may be ruthless toward Communists. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, May 29, 1954

PriMin asked me to see him this morning. He said in view close relationships our two countries he was telling me in greatest confidence that decision had been taken impose Governor’s rule East Pakistan. Governor would be Iskander Mirza who was summoned from London and who will leave for Dacca tomorrow. … PriMin stated first act of Governor would be to arrest known communists. … PriMin stated intensified activity would proceed two fronts, psychological and economic. GOP plan establish two new radio stations East Bengal, step up informational program to high degree. On economic front Governor would see that peopel received cheap necessities of life, namely food, cloth, kerosene, mustard oil and salt. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, May 29, 1954

Iskander Mirza sworn in as Governor East Bengal 1800 hours. N.M. Khan Chief Secretary GOEB. Section 92-A (Governor’s rule) effective 1800 hours. IG police states District Magistrates to be given free hand for arrest “subversives”. Minister Sheikh Mujibir Rahman will be arrested immediately. Confidential Telegram from Dacca Consulate, May 31, 1954

“The present Governor of East Bengal has for private and personal reasons expressed a desire to be relieved of his office. It has therefore been decided to replace him by Major General Iskander Mirza who will be sworn in today.” Telgram from Karachi Embassy, June 1, 1954

Mirza said the only way for the US to stiffen Ali’s spine was to tighten the windscrew of economic and military assistance, making such assistance clearly dependent upon assurances of sane govt in Karachi. Mirza strongly recommended this course of action to US and stated his belief that Ali would respond favorably. Secret Telegram from London Embassy, Oct. 4, 1954

Mirza says he refused urgent calls return Karachi from London to await Primin. Believes Sunday’s action in best interests country, especially retaining Primin. Asked whether he expected trouble Mirza replied “We will make trouble,” meaning guilty would be punished. Said much to be cleaned up; for example Primin now finally recognized Mirza right in asking punishment corrupt Bengalis. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Oct. 26, 1954

Major General Mirza has said that democracy ran riot during the last seven years. It was not democracy but the denial of democratic rights that was responsible for the harm that has been done to our dear country. Had democracy a fair play, the evils would have been corrected long ago. UF Statement on General Mirza, Nov. 19, 1954

Comment on future form of government in Pakistan, Dec. 24, 1954

According to the Gazette of Pakistan dated January 21, 1955, Major General Iskander Mirza, C.S.P., retired from Government Service with effect from October 24, 1954. In effect this post-dated action removes from General Mirza the onus of having been appointed to a Cabinet post while still a member of the Civil Service. Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Jan. 25, 1955

Pakistani government will ignore challenge to its legality, Feb. 12, 1955

Iskander Mirza speaking February 15 to newly-organized West Pakistan Brotherhood praised Armed Forces highly and denied they taking active interest politics, and said “they have never taken part in politics nor is there any danyer that they will do so.” Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Feb. 17, 1955

Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, March 11, 1955

NSC Briefing: Background — Estimated Balances in Pakistan Politics, June 12, 1956

Secret Letter from Ambassador Hildreth to John Foster Dulles, Sept. 20, 1956

April 1953 Coup

Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, April 18, 1953

Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, April 19, 1953

It becomes clear that Nazimuddin dismissal was planned and accomplished through combined efforts of Army leadership (specifically Def Secy Iskander Mirza and C-in-C Gen Ayub) and Gov Gen himself. Frustration which EMB has reported over past few months grew to exasperation at weakness and vascillation of Nazimuddin. Without doubt action by Iskander Mirza to declare martial law in Lahore Mar 6 in spite of PRIMIN objections saved country from what might have become national disaster. Mirza has apparently been in close touch with Gov Gen. Decision was taken by Gov Gen himself that PRIMIN could not be successfully managed and dismissal was planned. EMB believes very few people in Govt were privy to this decision – perhaps no one except Mirza and Ayub. … EMB believes unity now exists in country which has not prevailed since assassination Liaquat. Army is in firm position and will brook no nonsense. Whether Mohammad Ali will be able rise to demands of situation is not entirely certain and it is possible stronger leader such as Qayyum may take over at later date. EMB believes that in this favorable situation, US faces great opportunities develop closer relations with Pakistan and influence PAK policy toward settlement outstanding issues and toward firmer commitments to free world. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, April 20, 1953

Perhaps this is the true picture: the Governor-General, Mr. Ghulam Mohammed could never have dared to dismiss a Ministry which had appointed him, had he not have had the support of the Army. The Army would take its cue from the Defense Secretariat. Therefore this is in fact a coup d’etat by Mr. Iskander Mirza and the Army, which has nominated Mr. Mohammed Ali as its agent. The Army (which includes Mr. Iskander Mirza) would not have been encouraged to do this, if it was not certain that the new dispensation would have the support of the Americans, on whom today Pakistan is almost wholly dependent for its food requirements, and to carry on the ordinary expenses of the Administration. We can give this credit to the Army that it, like other common citizens, saw that the country was going to the dogs, that the prevailing regime had lost the confidence of the people, that it had not the capacity to remedy the existing state of affairs, and that at the same time it could not carry the people with it in any of its measures. The Army, too, may have started getting ideas after its contact with the people and the civil administration in Lahore. The Americans must have been in contact with the Army, and the coup d’etat must have had their blessings. The Americans must have found (i) That there was no point in butressing an unpopular Ministry. (ii) There there was no point in giving supplies to an incompetent Ministry which would dissipate those supplies. (iii) That there was no hope of getting appropriation from Congress unless it was satisfied that the Ministry in Pakistan had popular support and Army support. (iv) That an unpopular Ministry cannot succeed in inducing the people to accept its policy in international affairs, and hence such a Ministry is useless to the Americans if they want Pakistan to accept the international policy of America. That is to say an unpopular Ministry in Pakistan cannot deliver the goods and is therefore useless for the American global strategy. The change in the Administration is therefore a result of American plus Army maneuvers, born of the conviction, for which there is every justification, that Nazimuddin’s regime was thoroughly unpopular and incompetent. Letter from H.S. Suhrawardy, April 21, 1953

Reversing their earlier critical attitude toward Nazimuddin, [the Awami League] are now shedding crocodile tears over his removal from the Prime Ministership, asserting that GHULAM MUHAMMED and his cronies from the Punjab had determined to eliminate Nazimuddin because he supported the provision in the BPC Report for “parity” between East Bengal and the rest of Pakistan in representation in the National Legislature. Political, Press and Economic Developments for the Week Ending June 24, 1953, June 25, 1953

Constititional Coup of September 21, 1954

Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Sept. 22, 1954

Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Sept. 25, 1954

Pakistan Political Crisis, Sept. 25, 1954

Unsigned Top Secret Telegram #74, Sept. 25, 1954

Top Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Sept. 27, 1954

The “Constitutional Coup” in the Constituent Assembly, Oct. 2, 1954

Divestment of Governor General’s Powers by Constituent Assembly, Oct. 3, 1954

Reftel and other recent Karachi messages seem clearly imply new group may well try seize control GOP within next few months. Motives and character Consembly rebellious element indicate new govt would be more to right than current clique with conservative “old Moslem leaguers” in dominant position but with little chance of communist or other leftist influence. Dept concedes good possibility such group might be less cooperative, less friendly to United States than present PriMin. Secret Telegram from John Foster Dulles, Oct. 6, 1954

While agree change Govt would not increase Communist leftist influence, situation East Bengal different from that West Pakistan. Commies stronger East Bengal would exploit instability which might result. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Oct. 7, 1954

Mohammed Ayub Khan

The Department of Defense has reported that the Military Attache in Karachi has recently recommended the award of the Legion of Merit to the Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army, General Mohammed AYUB Khan, stating that this recommendation is strongly supported by the Ambassador. Secret Telegram from Department of State, July 10, 1951

General Ayub stated that he had been talking to the leading politicians of Pakistan, and had told them that they must make up their mind to go whole-heartedly with the West. … He stated that the Pakistan Army will not allow the political leaders to get out of hand,and the same is true regarding the people of Pakistan. He stated that he realized that the Army was taking on a large responsibility, but that the Army’s duty was to protect the country. Secret Telegram from Lahore Consulate, Dec. 23, 1952

The Commander-in-Chief stated that he felt that there was no danger, from either politicians or the public, to overthrow the present Government, but in case there was such an attempt the Pakistan Army would immediately declare martial law and take charge of the situation. If the situation was critical, the Army would declare a Military Government in order to secure stability for Pakistan. He stated the Pakistan Army would not allow either politicians or the public to ruin the country. Top Secret Despatch from Lahore Consulate, Feb. 13, 1953

He said that the army was not interested in going into politics but that he had no intention of letting things get out of control. He said the army was a stabilizing force in Pakistan and that he would take no nonsense from the politicians. … I got the distinct impression from Ayub and from subsequent conversations with his senior officers who were in Lahore at the same time, that the Pakistan Army is definitely ready to take control should Civil Government break down, although they would be reluctant to do so. Memorandum of Conversation with General Mohammad Ayub Khan, Feb. 28, 1953

I took General Ayub for cocktails last evening and he is very much discouraged with our Number One guest who arrives in Washington this afternoon. He thinks there may be repercussions along the lines of your recent cables but expresses no alarm as far as the country as a whole is concerned. He is terribly confident of the ability of the Armed Services to step in any time as, if and when necessary. Secret Telegram from State Department, Oct. 14, 1954

NSC Briefing: Pakistan, Oct. 29, 1958

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

It will be noted that he was accused inter alia of incitement of the masses to violate law and create disorder, violation of Secton 144, speaking so as to excite disaffection with the GOP, and disclosures of state affairs regarding weapons supply. Grounds for Detention of Bhutto, Dec. 4, 1968

MI officer told him that 24 officers arrested had been plotting to assassinate President Bhutto at Lahore People’s festival (revival of old Lahore horse show) when he attended as chief guest on March 31. Report of Military Assassination Plot Against President Bhutto, April 2, 1970

Central Intelligence Bulletin, Dec. 24, 1971

On February 7, I made a routine call on Rao Rashid, Deputy Director of Intelligence. … It was tragic, mused Rao, to have a man at the helm who despite all the blunders he committed, refused to step aside to the end, even though the nation was being destroyed. Political Notes, Feb. 17, 1972

Level of political violence and shrillness of political rhetoric has been on increase recently. Apart from Sind language riots, there have been disorderly political incidents in Lahore, Rawalpindi and elsewhere. Heightened political atmosphere has coincided with Bhutto’s greater involvement in grass-roots politics in wake Sind riots. While regime’s miscalculations and oppostion irresponsibility have contributed to new atmosphere, it seems also to reflect degree of return to pre-1971 “politics as usual.” Although disquieting, trend toward violence does not yet threaten Bhutto regime. Main present danger is that regime will be goaded into more repressive measures which could feed still more violence. Domestic Political Violence on Increase Aftermath Sind Disturbances, Aug. 4, 1972

Pakistan: Factionalism in Bhutto’s Party, July 1, 1975

Jamaat-e-Islami

Jamaat-e-Islami, which translated literally means “Islamic Organization,” is a Mullah-led, reactionary Islamic political party. Prior to partition the Jamaat, founded in 1941, was an inactive religious group without major interest in politics. However, since partition it has assumed an active part in politics and has gained strength, although it still plays a minor part in Pakistan politics. … At the annual meeting of Jamaat-e-Islami held on November 10 through 13, party leaders displayed an interesting combination of reactionary religious ideology, communist line propaganda and ideas of the welfare state. The meeting was attended by delegates from all over Pakistan. … Certainly not a powerful force in Pakistan politics today … the party is significant as an example of reactionary Islam in Pakistan politics. Annual Meeting of Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan, Nov. 28, 1951

The information contained in this report is from Ghulam Mohammed, Secty. Karachi Jamaat-i-Islami. He was anxious to get information on this organization into the hands of the American Embassy, he stated, because the organization “is misunderstood by foreign embassies and is the target of false propaganda from the Muslim League.” Jamaat-i-Islami (Islamic Party) was established in pre-partitioned India in 1941. Its main object is “revival of Islam, in both letter and spirit. We believe Islam is a complete code of life. We believe in democracy, with some changes regarding the limits of legislation. We believe that the government should be run by the people, but that the representatives are duty-bound to fulfill the laws written in the H.Q. Confidential Embassy notes, author unknown, circa 1951

Thirteen members of the Jamaat-e-Islami have been taken into custody by the Martial Law Authorities in Lahore including Maulana Maudoodi, Mian Tufail Mohammad and Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi. Eighteen other Jamaat-e-Islami members were arrested outside the Lahore Martial Law area under the Provincial Public Safety Act. Comment: Maulana Maudoodi was one of the few prominent religious leaders who had escaped arrest during the general round-up of extremist Mullahs. He has now been arrested on the strength of a pamphlet which was just published in which Maudoodi tried to attack the Ahmadiyas by clever implications without indulging in open incitation. Martial Law authorities howwever felt that he had overstepped and thereupon arrested him. Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events, March 26-April 1, 1953, April 2, 1953

Maulana Maudoodi, leader of Jamaat-i-Islami, arrested Mar 28 during anti-Ahmadiya agitation in Lahore, found guilty of complicity in riots by military tribunal May 11, and sentenced to death. Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, May 12, 1953

Following the protest meeting and strike on the 14th occasioned by the sentence of Maulana Maudoodi reported in the Consulate’s despatch 96 dated May 14, 1953, an effort was made to organize a Maudoodi Day on May 22. Whereas the first demonstration was organized by Ulemas, the one scheduled for the 22nd was sparked by political opposition groups headed by the Awami League. Political, Press, and Economic Developments for the Week Ending May 27, 1953, May 28, 1953

Congen has no rpt no information to confirm GOI intelligence report that Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) groups planning attacks on Indian diplomats. Although prior to partition, JI supported Congress Party and opposed creation of Pakistan, JI has adopted anti-Indian position since partition. Its leaders, including recently retired Maulana Maudoodi, have advocated both moral and secular legality. Report of Planned Terrorist Attacks on Indian Diplomats, Nov. 7, 1972

Muslim Brotherhood

The Embassy’s confidential source stated that the organization was almost still-born, with no activities and few members. It is believed, however, that a recent conference of world Muslim divines held in Karachi may have given a fillip to the branch. In addition to Mahmoud Sawwaf there were several Middle Eastern Akhwan leaders at the conference. Hassan-ul-Hudeibi, the president of the Brotherhood did not come from Cairo but sent as his deputy Allama Mahmood-uz-Zubairi of Yemen. As-Syed Baha El-Amiri, the erstwhile Syrian Ambassador to Pakistan, fired from his job as a result of differences with Colonel Shishakly, was at the conference as Syrian delegate. Before his diplomatic appointment, El-Amiri was an officer in the Syrian Brotherhood. Another Akhwan leader, Sheikh Syed Ramazan of Egypt was also in attendence.

The World Muslim Conference (Motamar-e-Alam-e-Islam) in Karachi sponsored a meeting on February 23 in observance of “Hasan-el-Banna Day” which was presided over by the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem and addressed by El-Amiri and Syed Ramazan; the latter was termed the son-in-law of Hasan-el-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. Although the Secretary of the World Muslim Conference in conversation with officers of the Embassy evinced little interest in the formation of the Brotherhood, it is possible that the Motamar will support the embryonic organization. Formation of Muslim Brotherhood Branch in Pakistan, Feb. 28, 1952

Matta Riot

The Anti-Christian Riot at Matta, Aug. 28, 1951

Memorandum of Conversation with Rev. Frank Llewellen, Aug. 16, 1951

Of the 22 defendants, two were sentenced to death and 10 were sentenced to 19 years. The drafting officer has spoken to a few lawyers in Lahoer regarding these sentences. All were of the opinion that the two sentenced to death would have their sentence commuted to 15 years, and the others to 5-8 years by the reviewing court. The Christian missionaries with whom the drafting officer has spoken in regards to the trial all feel satisfied that justice was done – even if the sentences are commuted. Confidential Despatch from Lahore Consulate, Dec. 21, 1951

Anti-Communist Program in East Pakistan

PURPOSE: To destroy Communist influence and develop a positive (counter) program based on the new national ideals of Pakistan. … Collaboration between the USIS and the Government of East Bengal is to be kept secret. To this end every attempt will be made to keep knowledge of the program confined to the three officers of the American Consulate and the three officers of the Government of East Bengal whose concerted effort is necesssary to the formulation of plans and policies.

OPERATIONAL THEMES: … To link communism with imperialism by demonstrating that the original meaning of the word is being used as a cloak for planned conquest. … To show the communists as anti-God and therefore a threat to the continued existence of the Muslim world as a free and independent religio-political entity. … To promote the Islamic socio-economic concept under which there will be freedom and dignity for the individual and which will provide for the elimination of economic disparities and inequities. Coordinated Program for Combatting Communism in East Bengal, Aug. 7, 1951

Developments in Iran and Egypt are seriously affecting Pakistan popular position reference United States and we should now expect period of critical attitudes. This change may imperil parts of information program. Clearly any revelation of my private understanding with top GOP officials will create greatest embarrassment to them. … View GOP changing position it is most imperative that all discussion be halted bringing GOEB personnel to Washington for discussion this highly delicate operation. If information officer GOEB is later sent to US as Leader Specialist, he should be given leader itinerary treatment and should not repeat not be consulted about policy matters affecting cooperation East Pakistan. We must assume he does not know of my overall understanding. Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Nov. 5, 1951

Re Leader-Grant for either GOP or GOEB official, Department merely indicated availability of Grant in relation to request contained in Dacca Despatch 13; with assumption Embassy retaining actual perogative of nominating whomever desirable. If Embassy does desire send any official as straight leader-grantee, special project will not be discussed in Washington as you recommend. Secret Telegram from State Department, Nov. 16, 1951

Department will not invite GOEB official for purpose discussing subject your Despatch 13. However, ordinary leader-grant can at some future date be offered a Dacca journalist or even GOEB official, under normal Embassy selection processes. Secret Telegram from Secretary of State, Nov. 17, 1951

Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Feb. 23, 1952

Confidential Telegram from Dacca Consulate, Feb. 28, 1952

Chief Minister Nurul Amin attended a meeting of the Mymensingh District Muslim League workers on June 14 and addressed the conference at some length. He reviewed the origins of, and government action during the Dacca riots in February, and announced that he had conclusive proof that these groups of people, viz. communists, other foreign agents, and political mal-contents had conspired to subvert the state from within. As for the communists, he quoted from a Calcutta communist paper which boasted of the party’s assisting the Language Movement in the right direction. As to the foreign agents, he dramatically flourished a secret document which he said was a circular of February 12 of an organization with headquarters outside Pakistan calling upon its members in East Pakistan to exploit the Language Movement. The name of the organization he withheld in the public interest. As for the disgruntled politicians, he observed that they are well known, and their motive in mising into the Language Movement and the riots was to split East and West Pakistan (he did not refer to the United Bengalers as such, but he evidently had them in mind). Confidential Telegram from Dacca Consulate, June 21, 1952

Confidential Telegram from New Delhi Embassy, Feb. 27, 1953

Telegram from New Delhi Embassy, May 6, 1954

Political, Press and Economic Developments for the Week Ended May 21, 1953, May 22, 1953

Telegram from Karachi Embassy, May 26, 1954

Political Developments for the Two Weeks Ending December 16, 1953, Dec. 17, 1953

Meanwhile there remains somewhat uncomfortably in my mind real concern over the Governor General’s attitude and approach to affairs these days. … I certainly do not see how running around East Bengal smashing Commies has much relation to what happened to the League in that province. Of course I see where a good Commie campaign might help disrupt the UF — but then what? Governor’s Rule? Martial law? The League has some hard lessons to learn. I hope the price won’t be too high or the instruction period too long. Secret Telegram from State Department, April 27, 1954

Agitation in East Bengal Schools and Colleges, Sept. 29, 1955

Political Attitudes and Opinions, East Pakistan, April 28, 1955

Gov. told me today will outlaw commie party East Bengal tomorrow. Said requested authorization from Center mid-June but only answer to date is under consideration. Thus, following abortive commie attempt few days ago blow up main bridge into Dacca he has decided to proceed [unilaterally]. Center as yet uninformed but will receive telegram from Gov. simultaneously with announcement of demarche. Confidential Telegram from Dacca Consulate, July 6, 1954

Overt Activities by Communists and Other Former Security Prisoners, Nov. 16, 1955

Misc Political

Political, Press and Economic Developments for the Period Ending April 29, 1953, May 1, 1953

Political, Press and Economic Developments for the Period Ending April 21, 1953, April 22, 1953

The subject of U.S. military aid to Pakistan remained the dominant political theme during the week. On December 19, 1953, the Government of Pakistan presented a note to the Soviet Embassy in Karachi replying to the Soviet note of November 30 which demanded “clarification” of the press reported on the subject of “American military air bases” in Pakistan. … The Indian National Congress party’s drive to arouse public opinion in India against US military aid to Pakistan evoked a bitter reaction in Pakistan. Public opinion media referred to it as a “hate campaign” and held it to be particularly significant as it was government sponsored. Weekly Summary of Political Events for Week Ending December 24, 1953, Dec. 24, 1953

Weekly Summary of Political Developments for Week Ending December 19, 1953, Dec. 19, 1953

Summary of Political Developments for the Week Ending June 19, 1953, June 20, 1953

Weekly Summary, Political and Economic Events 29 October thru 4 November 1953, Nov. 5, 1953

Weekly Summary of Political and Economic Events, Sept. 24 through Sept. 30, 1953, Oct. 1, 1953

Weekly Political and Economic Report, Jan. 25 – Feb. 1, 1953, Feb. 2, 1953

Political and Economic Developments for the Week August 10-16, 1952

Political and Economic Developments July 15-21, 1952, July 21, 1952

Political and Economic Developments July 8-14, 1952, July 14, 1952

Political and Economic Developments for the Week Ending April 3, 1952, April 3, 1952

Political and Economic Developments for the Week Ending, March 20, 1952, March 20, 1952

Anti-Ahmadiya Agitation in Lahore, March 10, 1953

Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Feb. 28, 1953

Political and Economic Developments in East Pakistan During Week Ending March 14, 1952, March 15, 1952

Political and Economic Developments in East Pakistan During Two Weeks Ending March 7, 1952, March 8, 1952

Weekly Summary Dec 15-21, 1952, Dec. 22, 1952

Weekly Summary, Dec. 1-16, 1952, Dec. 8, 1952

Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Jan. 16, 1953

Confidential Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Feb. 18, 1953

The Islamic Constitution of Pakistan, Jan. 11, 1954

Brief resume of talks between the Honourable Prime Minister and the Vice-President of U.S.A., held on 7-12-53, July 12, 1953

Memorandum of Conversation with Yusuf Haroon, April 3, 1954

Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Sept. 19, 1955

Secret Telegram from Karachi Embassy, Aug. 12, 1955

Current Position of Communism in Pakistan, July 10, 1953

The Pakistan National Alliance: Participants and Prospects, circa Aug. 1977

Pakistan’s Problems, Jan. 8, 1979

Suhrawardy Scores Victory Over Leftist Opponents in East Pakistan, June 16, 1957

Resignation of Pakistani Prime Minister Suhrawardy, Oct. 12, 1957

Copyright Paul Wolf, 2003-2004. No copyright to original government works. For educational use only.

APPENDIX B

Sunday, December 5, 2004off the shelf
Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan and Partition
V. N. DattaDear Mr Jinnah: Selected Correspondence and Speeches of Liaquat Ali Khan, 1937-1947edited by Professor Roger D. Long with a foreword by Stanely Wolpert. Oxford University Press, Karachi. Pages 328. Price not stated.

This compilation of selected correspondence and speeches of Liaquat Ali Khan, that comes with a foreword by Stanely Wolpert, well-known Jinnah biographer, focuses on highly significant issues and events which proved crucial in the creation of Pakistan. Of special interest to the reader is the author’s prefatory notes.

The period (1937-1947) chosen by Professor Long is momentous in the making of Pakistan. In the pre-1937 period, the Muslim League was a weak and inert organisation, destitute of leadership, funds and the press. It was seen as a coterie of toadies and sycophants basking in the sunshine of British patronage, passing stereotyped, mild resolutions for the protection of Muslims interests and making speeches in the Assemblies and at the Muslim League annual sessions. Mohammad Ali Jinnah then counted nowhere. He was rebuffed by the stalwart Muslim leader, Fazl-I-Husain in Punjab, and distrusted by the Congress. The British ignored him.

By 1939, the Muslim League became a strong and spirited organisation,

and in March 1940, it demanded a separate homeland, an independent, sovereign Pakistan State, and by 1945, Jinnah emerged as the sole spokesman of the Muslims, who made high bids and vetoed all constitutional proposals suggested by the Congress and the British government. He scuttled the Simla conference in June-July 1945 and asked for parity with the Congress in the Viceroy’s executive council.

Jinnah met Mahatma Gandhi on equal terms for negotiation to resolve the political stalemate at home on Malabar Hill in Bombay from September 9 to 29, 1945, and rejected his formula. He took to task the three Premieres, Sikander Hayat Khan of Punjab, Fazl-ul-Haq of Bengal, and Saadullah of Assam, for joining the National Defence Council by subverting the Muslim League resolution of September 29, 1940.

By 1945, the Muslim League succeeded in setting up its party ministry in four of the provinces, and in the fifth, it held a strong position by putting pressure on the dispirited and shrinking Unionists party in Punjab.

This work is more an exchange between Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan on matters

relating to the radicalisation of Muslim politics when both were engaged in a life-and-death struggle for the creation of Pakistan. It throws more light on Jinnah than on Liaquat Ali Khan.

There is nothing personal in these letters, despite Liaquat Ali Khan’s efforts to engage Jinnah in it. Jinnah was a hard nut to crack, icy cold, reserved, taciturn, who praised or complimented none, and yet showed no tension. He was secretive. Even though he drew up his will in 1939 and appointed Liaquat Ali Khan his trustee for it, he never told him so, and it was only after his death that the latter learnt of it.

An utterly lonely man, Jinnah was incapable of maintaining a loving relationship with anyone. It would have been a treasure trove to read Jinnah’s love letters to his wife Rattenbai Petet or to anyone, but such a document nowhere exits.

Jinnah’s relationship with his colleagues was not the kind that the Mahatma shared with his party workers. He chose no heir, though he regarded Liaquat Ali Khan as his right hand. The correspondence shows that Jinnah lived like an Englishman.

He was fabulously rich and invested a great deal of money in shares and property. On several occasions, the Muslim Legaue borrowed money from his personal coffers. It is incredible that by addressing his huge audience in English who did not understand what he was saying, he captured their hearts and imagination and fired them with a passion to throw in their lot with him.

Belonging to the well-known aristocratic family of Punjab and being son of the Nawab of Karnal, Liaquat Ali Khan inherited a huge property in Meerut. After taking BA from Oxford and Bar-at-law, he returned to India at the end of 1922 and joined the Muslim League in 1923. As an Independent, he served as Deputy Speaker in the UP Council in 1931. As a member of the United Provinces National Agricultural Party, he represented the landed interests and opposed the separate electorate before the Joint Statutory Commission which came out of the Round Table Conference in the early 1930s.

He became the General-Secretary of the Muslim League in 1936 and held this office till 1947 and slaved for the success of its mission. He became the Finance Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council in 1946 and the first Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1947. Scrupulously honest, he refused to accept property in Pakistan in exchange for his land holdings in India, and after his death, his son and his wife, a Christian, Ranana Sheila Irene Pant, had to live in a house donated by the government.

This work projects Liaquat Ali Khan as a mild, well-meaning man of moderate disposition who shunned controversies. Mediocre in intellect, his sincerity of purpose and dedication made it easier for him to inspire confidence among his party workers. This work shows how the Muslims felt threatened by Hindu majoritarianism and feared that the Federation as envisaged under the Government of India Act (1935) would complete their disaster.

By mobilising the Muslim mass support, Jinnah widened his political base to fight the Congress. One is tempted to conclude from this work that the Congress was outmanoeuvred by Jinnah’s brilliant strategy and leadership, and Liaquat Ali Khan’s famous budget speech on February 28, 1947, in the Legislative Assembly, which hit the business magnets supporting the Congress, turned the tide in the Congress in favour of Partition. On March 3, 1947, Khizar Hayat Khan was forced to resign as Chief Minister due to Muslim League pressure, and the way was clear for the creation of Pakistan.

The editing and annotation of Long’s work is superb and the explanatory notes are suavely perceptive. However, Long’s praise of Stanely Wolport’s studies of Nehru and Jinnah is unjustified; he completely ignores S. Gopal’s comprehensive biography of Nehru. He also tends to ignore the Congress viewpoint on important political situations.

On deconstructing the wrong paradigm
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/u-turn-in-our-thinking-deconstructing-the-wrong-paradigm/
Rebutting Cohen
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/30/rebuttal-to-cohen%e2%80%99s-four-crises-and-a-peace-process-kargil-internationalized-the-kasmir-issue-and-put-a-death-knell-to-simla/
Another prophecy of doom
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/here-we-go-again-another-indian-prophecy-of-doom-the-first-one-came-in-1947/
Pakistanis want to hear “Thank You” for the US
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/pakistanis-want-to-hear-thank-you-and-are-sick-of-do-more/
Pakistanis to USA: We want “Friends Not Masters”
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/%e2%80%9cfriends-not-masters%e2%80%9d-a-response-to-deception-hiding-in-plain-sight-pakistan-and-nuclear-proliferation-by-chuck-leddy/
Say Thank You
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/ingrate-friends-should-say-%e2%80%9cthank-you%e2%80%9d-instead-of-%e2%80%9cdo-more%e2%80%9d/
Pakistan US Relations should be normal not transactional
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/pak-american-relationship-should-not-be-transactionalit-should-be-normalread-bidens-only-comments/
Response to Congressman Hoyer on Pakistan
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/letter-to-congressman-hoyer-about-pakistan/
On inadequate US Aid
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/12/09/us-may-boost-accountability-for-aid-to-pakistan-pakistan-should-revise-the-bill/
Where is Osama Bin Laden
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/12/09/2008-where-is-the-world-is-osama-bin-laden-someone-knows/
Where are the Pakistani nukes?
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/the-mere-suggestion-that-the-cia-includes-all-agencies-knows-realties-on-the-ground-in-pakistan-is-laughable-the-pakistanis-are-not-stupid-they-are-fully-aware-of-american-plans-the-hindu/
Criticism of Benazir Bhutto’s 5E Campaign program
Criticism of Benazir Bhutto. Pre-Assassination
Who killed Liaqat Ali Khan?
On deconstructing the wrong paradigm of the USA media
Rebutting Cohen
Pakistanis are immune to another prophecy of doom
Pakistanis want to hear “Thank You” from the ingrate Americans. Nothing is good enough!
Pakistanis to USA: We want “Friends Not Masters”
Say Thank You
Pakistan US Relations should be normal not transactional
Response to Congressman Hoyer on Pakistan”
On inadequate US Aid to Pakistan
Where is Osama Bin Laden
Where are the Pakistani nukes?
Where is Leadership of the PPP? Why is it behaving like Nero. Stop the arson and the carnage. Ask for a national Day of prayer and reconciliation
Open Letter to Mr. 10% Asif Zardari. Show some leadership
Open Letter to Mr. Bilawal Bhutto
The CIA connection—Benazir Bhutto assassination was pre-planned, the Zia model with a twist
Benzir Bhuttos revenge from the grave: Annointing a despised and corrupt politician Mr. 10% as her successor
Open letter to Mr. Zardari
The 4th Bhutto assassination is a message to the USA. Hands Off Pakistan
Here we go again! Another Indian prophecy of doom. The first one was in 1947
We would like to refer our readers to the an article on “Toppling the US military” that is worth its weight in gold. Search for it on this site.
See: “Kissinger threatened Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto”

The period (1937-1947) chosen by Professor Long is momentous in the making of Pakistan. In the pre-1937 period, the Muslim League was a weak and inert organisation, destitute of leadership, funds and the press. It was seen as a coterie of toadies and sycophants basking in the sunshine of British patronage, passing stereotyped, mild resolutions for the protection of Muslims interests and making speeches in the Assemblies and at the Muslim League annual sessions. Mohammad Ali Jinnah then counted nowhere. He was rebuffed by the stalwart Muslim leader, Fazl-I-Husain in Punjab, and distrusted by the Congress. The British ignored him.

By 1939, the Muslim League became a strong and spirited organisation, and in March 1940, it demanded a separate homeland, an independent, sovereign Pakistan State, and by 1945, Jinnah emerged as the sole spokesman of the Muslims, who made high bids and vetoed all constitutional proposals suggested by the Congress and the British government. He scuttled the Simla conference in June-July 1945 and asked for parity with the Congress in the Viceroy’s executive council.

Jinnah met Mahatma Gandhi on equal terms for negotiation to resolve the political stalemate at home on Malabar Hill in Bombay from September 9 to 29, 1945, and rejected his formula. He took to task the three Premieres, Sikander Hayat Khan of Punjab, Fazl-ul-Haq of Bengal, and Saadullah of Assam, for joining the National Defence Council by subverting the Muslim League resolution of September 29, 1940.

..Belonging to the well-known aristocratic family of Punjab and being son of the Nawab of Karnal, Liaquat Ali Khan inherited a huge property in Meerut. After taking BA from Oxford and Bar-at-law, he returned to India at the end of 1922 and joined the Muslim League in 1923. As an Independent, he served as Deputy Speaker in the UP Council in 1931. As a member of the United Provinces National Agricultural Party, he represented the landed interests and opposed the separate electorate before the Joint Statutory Commission which came out of the Round Table Conference in the early 1930s.

He became the General-Secretary of the Muslim League in 1936 and held this office till 1947 and slaved for the success of its mission. He became the Finance Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council in 1946 and the first Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1947. Scrupulously honest, he refused to accept property in Pakistan in exchange for his land holdings in India, and after his death, his son and his wife, a Christian, Ranana Sheila Irene Pant, had to live in a house donated by the government.

This work projects Liaquat Ali Khan as a mild, well-meaning man of moderate disposition who shunned controversies. Mediocre in intellect, his sincerity of purpose and dedication made it easier for him to inspire confidence among his party workers. This work shows how the Muslims felt threatened by Hindu majoritarianism and feared that the Federation as envisaged under the Government of India Act (1935) would complete their disaster.

By mobilising the Muslim mass support, Jinnah widened his political base to fight the Congress. One is tempted to conclude from this work that the Congress was outmanoeuvred by Jinnah’s brilliant strategy and leadership, and Liaquat Ali Khan’s famous budget speech on February 28, 1947, in the Legislative Assembly, which hit the business magnets supporting the Congress, turned the tide in the Congress in favour of Partition. On March 3, 1947, Khizar Hayat Khan was forced to resign as Chief Minister due to Muslim League pressure, and the way was clear for the creation of Pakistan.

By 1945, the Muslim League succeeded in setting up its party ministry in four of the provinces, and in the fifth, it held a strong position by putting pressure on the dispirited and shrinking Unionists party

Professor Roger D. Long with a foreword by Stanely Wolpert. Oxford University Press, Karachi. Pages 328. V.N. Datta

This fantastic transformation of the Muslim League would not be possible without Liaqat Ali Khan–the forgotten hero of Pakistan. Today PTV does not show the Liaqat fist, and there is no national holiday for this hero. All this is based on pre-independence politics when Liaqat rubbed many the wrong way. It had not, there would have been no Pakistan.

By Moin Ansari

Comments (1)

1940 Punjab: Sir Chottu Ram’s Bloody march

Filed under: British Raj,Independence movement — The Editors @ 12:14 am
Tags: 1940, Jinnah, Punaj, Sir Chottu Ram

SIR CHOTTU RAM: A REBUTTAL TO MR. AHMED

This is with ref. to the ad hominem screed by Mr. Ahmed titled “A bloody March in 1947 . Our readers have clearly recognized the fact that his precocious disputant has a stronger case and that Mr. Ahmed, a devoted unapologetic apologist for Sir Chottu Ram’s Unionist/Zamindara Party is using condescending smoke and mirrors to hide his real anti-Pakistan agenda. Pakistanis are very cognizant of the simple verity that Iqbal, Liaqat Ali Khan and Jinnah were right: Sir Chottu Ram’s predominantly Hindu/Sikh Unionists were evil and the Islamic Muslim League was good. It is now obvious that Mr. Ahmed did not quite have all the facts when writing his half-baked harebrained tripe.

Under the guise of research, Mr. Ahmed using patronizing “gambler’s fallacies” attempted to obfuscate the real issues and bluff his way through, hoping that he was dealing with obsequious and sycophantic grass and that we would not recognize black (veil) from white (good). Revisionist story tellers Like Mr. Ahmed are diligently engaged in “genetic fallacies” trying to resurrect the anti-Pakistan centrifugal forces which were discarded by the Muslim Punjabi “sherjawans” 60 years ago. These story tellers post hoc ergo propter hoc are trying to create a case against Islam and its “qila” Pakistan.

This “Akhand Bharat” gratuitous gobbledygook was rejected 6 decades ago and will be challenged every step of the way by patriotic prodigious intellectuals of Pakistan. Mr. Ahmed’s claptrap against the Pakistan ideology is a reprehensible attempt to destroy the intellectual basis of our fatherland. Recognizing the faulty processes of reasoning in his balderdash, he is now using inane arguments with spit-shine to promote his asinine jabber struggling to make is it sound respectable.

This “fitna” to obviate the creation of Pakistan and to end the partition of the Punjab (and the Subcontinent) is more dangerous than those who blow up innocent civilians. The attempt of this perfidious “fitna” to intellectually destroy the Pakistan ideology cannot be underestimated but “inshallah” this too will be defeated again. I have provided exact quotes from stalwart on the history of Punjab. Mr. Ahmad has provided inexact opinions. Mr. Ahmed first claimed that the Zamindara League did not oppress the Muslim serfs. He then disputed the fact that the Zamindara League and the Unionist Party opposed the Muslim League and Pakistan.

Amazingly Mr. Ahmed disputed the claim that the Indian National Congress was opposed to the Two nation Theory or that the INC and their cohorts, Sir Chottu Ram and his Unionist Party were opposed to the creation of Pakistan. If the INC wanted “Akhand Bharat, and the Unionist opposed Pakistan, then perhaps Mr. Ahmed can explain how the Unionists were simply not a front of the INC.

Finally Mr. Ahmed seemed to refute the fact that Sir Sikandar Hyatt played the kingmaker in Arain affairs. On all these counts, Mr. Ahmad was wrong, and he has not presented a single quote from a single book on these matters. Sir Chottu Ram was defeated in the Punajb. Neither tribe nor clan was able to withstand the genius of Liaqat Ali Khan in destroying the power of the Ram/Sikandar feudals.

The Unionist Party became irrelevant because in 1946 the brave sons and daughters of the Punjab voted for the Muslim League, Quaid-e-Azam and Shahaeed-e-Millat Liaqat Ali Khan. Mr. Ahmed tried to use the “fallacy of division” but recognizing the “fallacy of his composition” he tried to bulldoze his drivel and tried to intimidate us with the “fallacy of arguing from authority.” My thesis was as follows and all of it is backed by actual quotes and references, even with page numbers:

a) The Zamindara League, and it’s successor the Unionist Party was simply a scheme to safeguard the interests of the Feudal Lords of the Punjab who were usually Hindu and Sikh at the expense of the Muslim serfs of the Punjab. David Gilmartin says “to control the cities the British focused initially on the same types of structures they used to establish control in the rural areas.”

b) It is beyond reproach that Sir Chottu Ram and Sir Skindar Hyatt opposed The Muslim League and the creation of Pakistan. David Gilmartin on Page 125 (Empire and Islam) says “Some local officials saw little difference between the Zamindara League and the Congress“.

c) No sane Pakistani or Muslim supported the Unionist Party that was aligned with the Indian National Congress as well as the Akali Dal Party. Fortunately the forces of history made the Unionist irrelevant to the Punjab and these traitors were wiped away by the Muslim League led by Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Shaheed-e-Millat Liaqat Ali Khan. Mr. Ahmad has failed to respond to the above charges and has failed to provide any response to the points listed below. His excuse is to hurl personal insults at me. This time, I did not play docile “Eenth ka jawab putthar seh”.

It is amazing that the none of the solid arguments presented were rebutted by Mr. Ahmed. Obscure facts about the ethnicity of Sir Shahnaz were brought up which has no bearing on the main thesis of the credentials of the Unionist Party and its opposition to the Pakistan movement and its support of Akhand Bharat. I never said Sir Sikandar was an Arain. Dr. Martin said that he represented the Arain.

Here is proof of what I had written.

0) I quote Dr. Gilmartin (Page 94 of “Empire and Islam”–Punjab and the making of Pakistan”) “The Arain anjuman wired to the new Unionist Premier Sir Skindar Hyatt Khan: ‘Arayn Anjumun fully supports Mian Abdul Aziz barrister for Ministership. Arain population nearly 13 1/2 lakhs 91350,000) third in PUnjab, but claim ignored in last reforms. Arian community feels strongly now and requests you to appoint Arain Minister.’ (Quoted in Muhammad Yusuf, Ambala City, to Mian Abdul Azaz, 26 February 1937 (Abdul Azaz collection). But Sir Sikandar was wary. Though recognizing the importance of Arian support he was also concerned to the Party and his readiness to stand by the discipline of the Party. In constructing government, Sikandar thus bypassed Mian Abdul Aziz as an Arain representative and appointed Begum Shah Nawaz, a daughter of Sir Muhammad Shafi of the Baghbanpura Mians, as a parliamentary secretary.Begum Shah Nawaz was elected from an urban constituency (Lahore City Muslim women), but her personal service to the Unionist Party, and the rural connections of the Mian family, made her far more acceptable to Unionist leaders.”

1) I was totally appalled when Mr. Ahmed first defended the rascal Sir Chotoo Ram of the Zamindara party with the statement 9praphrased as “he did not exploit Muslim serfs.” Mr. Ahmed then calls Sir Ram a “minor” player in Punjab. I quote Dr. Ian Talbot (which Mr. Ahmad had suggested) on Page 103 of the Political Inheritance of Pakistan in which Dr. Talbot says the following about Sir Ram. ” Chhotu Ram founded the Unionist Party along with Mian Fazl-ur-Husain , a Lahore educated lawyer who had risen to prominence through involvement in the activities of he Njuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam and the Punjab University.” “Malcolm Darling testified to the Royal Agriculture commission in 1927, the act had conferred “a very valuable privilege upon the strong, for with the great increase in rural prosperity many agriculturalists are now in a position to buy land and as purchasers are placed in a privileged position by the Act.”

2) To prove that fact that the Unionist were the same as the INC. David Gilmartin on Page 125 says “Some local officials saw little difference between the Zamindara League and the Congress”.

3) The anti-Pakistan Unionists aligned with the British were the epitome of evil. David Gilmartin says “To control the cities the British focused initially on the same types of structures they used to establish control in the rural areas.” “After the elections, Malik Khizar Hyat and the remaining rump of the Unionist Party formed a coalition with the Akali party and the Congress ..to keep the Muslim League out of power. Pakistan was formed in spite or despite the wrangling of the Zamindara and the Unionist Parties.

4) This proves that Sir Ram was defending the feudal Hindus and Sikhs, while Shaheed-e-Millat was fighting for the rights of the Muslim serfs.. The Land Alienation Act,” P.J. Fagan wrote “was intended to be used for the purpose of defining or constituting privileged classes‘ (Muslim Outlook, Lahore 30 July 1924).

5) Malcolm Darling testified to the Royal Agriculture commission in 1927, the act had conferred “a very valuable privilege upon the strong, for with the great increase in rural prosperity many agriculturalists are now in a position to buy land and as purchasers are placed in a privileged position by the Act.

6) In her biography of Sir Chottoo Ram, Prem Chaudhy argues…that Sir Chottoo Ram preferred the interests of substantial landowners to tenants, untouchables, or petty cultivators (Prem Chaudhry, Punjab Politics: the Role of Sir Chotu Ram-new [Delhi: vikas, 1984, 216-25.

7) David Gilmartin on Page 189 of his book “Empire and Islam” says “the Unionist Party, Jinnah and his supporters declared, was a creation of the British“.He and his clan were the recipients of British largesse and got their knighthoods for supporting the British Raj in suppressing the war of independence of 1857 and successive serf revolts in the Punjab. Their other accomplishments were to provide cannon fodder of Muslim bodies to the Empire. Dr Ian Talbot says “The Tiwanas rasied a 400 strong cavalry troop to aid the British” (Dr. Ian Talbot Page 103, # 3 The Politics of Inheritance of Pakistan)

8) Even Alama Iqbal knew that dealing with the Unionists was dangerous to the Muslim League. To leaders like Iqbal” Sikindar’s action after his return from Lucknow only confirmed their worst fears about Unionist plans to turn the League into Unionist ends”.

9) The defection of Noon and Tiwanas weakened the Unionists and their Gandhi backers. The elections of 1946 were a watershed in Punjabi politics-the election triumph of the Muslim League proved critical in 1946 because it made the ultimate establishment of Pakistan inevitable.

10) “After the elections, Malik Khizar Hyat and the remaining rump of the Unionist Party formed a coalition with the Akali party and the Congress ..to keep the Muslim League out of power.” Pakistan was formed in spite or despite the wrangling of the Zamindara and the Unionist Parties. With one voice the Mussalmans of the Punjab in 1946 said. PAKISTAN ZINDABAD!. THE ANTI-PAKISTAN UNIONISTS MURDABAD. Everything else is nonsense.

Was Pakistan inevitable?http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/12/07/was-pakistan-inevitable-the-inc-made-major-mistakes-before-and-after-1947/ Also on this site: How Jinnah and Liaqat Ali Khan outmaneuvered Gandhi, Nehru and the INC and Sir Chottu Ram’s Zamindara (renamed Unionist Party). Please click here
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/12/07/how-jinnah-and-liaqat-of-the-pakistan-movement-outmaneuvered-the-fifth-columns/
IS INDIA A FAILED STATE: Also on this site. Please click here
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/12/07/is-india-a-failed-state/
WHY PAKISTAN WAS CREATED?Also on this site. Please click here
Also on this site: Why Pakistan was created?
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/why-we-created-pakistan-the-pakistan-ideology/
http://moinansari.wordpress.com/2007/11/27/sir-chottu-ram-response-to-mr-ahmeds-screed-titled-a-bloody-march-in-1947/

November 14, 2008

History of Karachi: Heart of Pakistan on crossraods of cvilizations

Filed under: History of Pakistan — The Editors @ 4:43 pm
Tags: History of Karachi

This article was written a decade ago and is dated. I will be updating it soon

THE ORIGINS OF THE PORT CITY OF KARACHI AS KALACHI-JO-GOTH

Moin Ansari

The city of Karachi on the Mekran Coast on the Arabian Sea, does not have a long drawn out history. There was no dwelling in Karachi when the Turkish Slave kings were building magnificent buildings in Delhi. There were no inhabitants of Karachi when the East India Company was fighting battles in Calcutta. The city was not even a twinkle in the eye during the magnificent Mughal Rule. The city missed the Industrial Revolution that changed the planet, and slept through the war of Independence. To put it mildly the city of Karachi had no legacy before the city became a Pakistani capital.

…..this city was called Kolachi, named after Mai Kolachi a Sindhi fisherwoman . It was built by Baloch tribes from Balochistan, from Makran, and established as a fishing village and thus we became the city by the sea.

Before the goddess of the waters, before Mai Kolachi called this her home, Karachi was known to the ancient Greeks as Krokola. This was where Alexander the Great rested after his campaign in the Indus Valley. Karachi or Krokola was a port of calm before the madness that would greet Alexander in Babylonia.

Later, Karachi became a brief gem among the jewels of the Talpur crown. It became a port city, coveted by those near and far.

“Charles Napier brought our city, our home, into the Bombay Presidency. The British, with little affection, worked Karachi into the ground. We were enslaved, made to open our harbour and our coast for the ill-gotten wealth of pirates. How little has changed, Karachi. How sad for us. But we are a jewel; we are to be envied for these shores. Kemari, Korangi, Landhi, Malir, how many men and women make up this jewel?

Parsis, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Hindus how many faiths have congregated here to pay homage to the divine? How many wonderful strains of tolerance we did have here in our city, our home. Baloch, Sindhi, Punjabi, Gujrati, Mujahir, Pathan, Afghan how many brothers we have living here with us under the same sun. Unfortunately, we do not live as one, not as we used to. Divided by districts, neighborhoods, and hate, we brothers and sisters are not as fortunate as we once were. But we are here. We are this city. We, the men and women who live in Karachi, who have lived in Karachi, who work and struggle and toil through disproportionately large KESC bills, through hefty taxes ignored by those who should pay, through hartals, through bunds, through riots and death, we are this city. We are Karachi

Fatima Bhutto “Karachi my city my home”. Sunday Oct. 21,2007

The city of Karachi began as a small and insignificant fishing village populated by Mekranis, and it would have remained a small insignificant footnote of history had it not been for certain individuals who made it into a cosmopolitan magapolis after 1947.

In the middle of the nineteenth century, events that happened thousands of miles away in the New World had a profound effect on the economy of what was then called the Mekran Coast. These are the twelve (12) significant world events that shaped the creation and expansion of Karachi:

1. The Muslim invasion of Mekran Coast by Mohammad Bin Qasim in the early part of the eight century. This small invasion established a Muslim foothold on the Arabian Sea. Islam did not spread in South Asia because of the Arab invasion of the Mekran Coast. The Turkish invasions from North West Asia three hundred years later, and Sufisim actually spread Islam into the rest of the subcontinent.

2. The Discovery of a sea route to India by Vasco De Gama in 1498 converted the Indian ocean into a Portuguese lake. This discovery of the new sea route allowed Britain and other European Nations to use their Naval prowess and expand their empires to “India” and China.

3. The marriage between the Portuguese and the English royalty. In 1661 Catherine of Braganza was married to the English King Charles II. This marriage transferred the Portuguese territory of Bombay to the British. The new port of Bombay under British rule began to compete with the
Portuguese favorite Goa. Bombay eventually grew into the Bombay constituency that included the Mekran Coast.

4. In the early eighteenth century, a group of Mekrani traders moved West from the older “bandargah” of Kharak Bandar to the fishing village of Kalachi-jo-Goth. This is the predecessor of the magapolis called Karachi. These are the humble beginnings of the city.

5. The American Civil War between the North and the South (1860s), forced Britain to use the ports of Karachi and Bombay. Since raw cotton from the Confederate States of America could not fuel the textile mills in the capital of the industrial revolution in Britain, alternative sites for
cotton growing were explored in the British empire. Ports were needed to handle the cotton crop to be exported to Britain. The Punjab was chosen as a site to grow cotton and Bombay was the obvious choice for exporting the raw cotton to Manchester’s bustling cotton milling industry.

6. The construction of the Suez Canal in 1869 allowed the Bombay constituency and the port of Bombay to become a port of call between England and Singapore. No longer would sailors have to go around the Cape of Good Hope to reach the land of spices. As Bombay grew, Karachi was
treated like Cinderella before she was discovered by Prince Charming.

7. The creation of the province of Sindh in 1936. The Nehru Report was published in 1929. Quaid-e-Azam, Mohammed Ali Jinnahs proposed his own 14 points in opposition to the Nehru Report. Point 9 of Jinnahs 14 points demanded the separation of Sindh from the Bombay Constituency. According to the India Act of 1935, many of the demands of the Muslims were
accepted. A general election took place in which Congress won and formed ministries in 7 out of the 11 provinces. Coalition ministries were formed in Sindh, Bengal and Aasaam. The Bombay Constituency was separated into Muslim Sindh and Hindu Bombay in 1936. Even the creation of Sindh did not promote the city of Karachi. Prince Charming was to come in and rescue Cinderella ten years later.

8. In 1940 the Pakistan Resolution was passed that demanded Pakistan as a separate state formed in the Muslim majority areas of the Subcontinent. Seven years after the Lahore resolution, Pakistan was created. These two events put great emphasis on Karachi.

9. The creation of Pakistan in 1947. As Pakistans capital and only port Karachi became a very important city. The Prince Charming were about to rescue Kalachi Jo Goth.

10. According to the Act of Partition of 1947, all British government servants in India were given the choice to “opt” for Pakistan or India. Thousands of Hindus in Pakistan opted for India and thousands of Muslims in India opted for Pakistan. These were the legal “optees” and millions
others were thrown out of their homes to head for India or to head for the capital of Pakistan. There was tacit approval at the highest levels of the British empire, the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League to allow the exchange of populations. 38% of the population of Lahore was Hindu, and 40% of Pakistan was Hindu. Muslims were eagerly exchanged for
Muslims in Pakistan. The influx of hard working, educated, and patriotic. Muslims to the Federal Capital of Pakistan. Karachi sees a lot of development as the new industrious immigrants build a city in the sandy desert of Mekran

11. Creation of One Unit. The move to take the capital away from Karachi to Rawalpindi in 1958

12. The constitution breaks up ONE UNIT in 1973 and makes Karachi the capital of Sind

This is what Compton’s Encyclopedia says about the city of Karachi:

“In the early 18th century Karachi was a small fishing village called Kalachi-jo-Goth. A group of traders moved there from the decaying port of Kharak Bandar about 16 miles (26 kilometers) west. In 1839 it was captured by the British, who annexed it in 1842…… Between 1843 and 1864 a river-steamer service, port improvements, a railway, and a direct telegraph communications link with London were established.

With the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, Karachi became a principal seaport. When the adjoining region of the Punjab emerged as the granary of India in the 1890s, Karachi became the main outlet for its grain. By 1914 the city had become the largest grain-exporting port of the British Empire.”

As part of the Mekran Coast Karachi became a part of the Bombay Presidency. The American Civil war stopped the export of cotton to the Textile Mills of Manchester England and forced the British to look for
alternative cotton growing sites. Experiments in Punjab were successful, the fields of the Punjab are still growing cotton. The cotton industry of Pakistan owes its existence and its prosperity to the war between the states in the New World. For the Textile industry of Manchester, Bombay was the obvious choice for a port, and Karachi served as a poor cousin to Bombay.

To look at Karachi we have to briefly look at Bombay. This is what Compton’s Encyclopedia says about the city of Bombay:

“The city is said to derive its name from Mumbai Devi, a Hindu goddess, although some claim that Bombay is a corruption of the Portuguese bom baia, meaning “good harbor.” Prior to the establishment of a Portuguese trading post in 1534, the islands were inhabited only by fishermen living in scattered hamlets. The Portuguese did not value the site as much as
Goa, about 200 miles (320 kilometers) to the south, and they ceded Bombay to England in 1661 as part of the dowry transferred at the marriage of Catherine of Braganza to the English king Charles II.

A large fort, called the Castle, was completed in 1717. The first dock facilities were opened by 1750. Growth was steady, as befitted a city housing the headquarters of the British East India Company (1672-1858). The greatest period of growth, however, occurred in the 1860s. The American Civil War cut off the supply of Southern cotton to British textile mills, and the mill owners turned to western India for their raw material. Somewhat earlier, in 1851, the Indian cotton textile industry itself had been born in Bombay. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 made Bombay even more important as a trading center. The building of railways
in the 1860s and 1870s gave Bombay direct connections to all the other major points throughout the country.”

The province of Sindh owes its existence to the fortitude of the leaders of the Muslim League, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Liaqat Ali Khan, and Fatima Jinnah.

The intransigence of the leadership of the Indian National Congress forced the Muslims of the subcontinent to ask for a separate province of Sindh. If the Nehru Report had accommodated the leadership of the Muslim League, perhaps Quaid-e-Azam, Mohammed Ali Jinnah would not have had to propose his own fourteen points. The acceptance of the 14 points was a major victory for the Muslims. After passing the Lahore resolution, there was no stopping the Muslim League. Pakistan was formed in 1947.

As part of the Bombay constituency, Karachi was a small non descript township sandbagged by a few berths where the worst ships could possibly dock. The British never paid any attention to the city of Karachi, it was
a way stop on the way to the important ports of Bombay and Calcutta.

The founder of our nation and a native of Karachi, Quaid-e-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah had designated the territory of Karachi district as Federal Capital territory. When Pakistan came into being Karachi was NOT part of the province of Sindh. On the 14th of August the province of Sindh had accepted the fact that Karachi was not part of the province.

The district of Karachi from 1947 to one fateful day in 1968 remained separate and bifurcated from Sindhi political and social institutions. The period of two decades from 47-68 (when Karachi was Federal capital
territory) was the golden period of Karachi and Pakistan. Pakistan was born with ONE textile mill and ONE jute mill. There were no industry in Pakistan. Pakistani offices started with no assets.

KARACHI AND URBAN SINDH PERMEATE WEALTH THROUGHOUT PAKISTAN
Karachi has created wealth where NOTHING existed. The original architects and the founding fathers of the city the bare-footed Mekrani fishermen of Kalachi-jo-Goth had never imagined in their wildest imagination that Karachi, the fishing village would become the little cantonment city that spread a few miles around the few births. The colonial Britisher could never conceive that the little town could become a port that challenged the industrial might of the Bombay constituency.

In British India, before Pakistan, Karachi used to be a quiet town- mostly red bricked government building in the immediate vicinity of the few dilapidating berths that were passed off as a port.

This is what Comptons Encyclopedia says about Karachi:

“In the central part of the city the houses of the British colonial
period are characterized by red tiles and deep verandahs enclosed by
latticed window screens.” Of the 400,000 inhabitants almost all. were
Bombay Hindus who lived in the then posh localities of Jamshed Road,
Clifton, Burns Road etc.

In 1947-48, Pakistan and India were exchanging populations, perhaps on purpose. 5 million West Punjabi Hindus were being traded for 5 million Muslims from India. If this exchange had not taken place Pakistan would still have 40% of its population as Hindu. Pakistan would have survived a few weeks with 40% of the population trying to undo the country.
In 1947, Liari, Krangi, and Liaqatabad were but tent colonies. The Palestinians who moved to other areas STILL live in tent colonies, and the camps of Shabra and Shatila in Lebanon produce little more than hatred.
The immigrants of Karachi had a dream and a vision for Pakistan. They quickly transformed the infrastructure of the city of Karachi. The first few dozen incoming optees and non-optees headed for the federal capital and were settled in two-room “British servant quarter like colonies” called Jacob Lines, Martin Road and others. Former government officials who were Muhajirs were housed in these little quarters and they were happy for they were sacrificing for Pakistan. The rest of the migrants had to fend for themselves and ended up in make shift tent colonies that survive to this day as the slums of Liaqatabad and Orangi town.

During the development of the United States, new immigrants were ushered to newer and newer territories like Oklahoma where they homesteaded and created a healthy life for themselves. While the land from Karachi to Hydrabad and into Balauchistan was uninhabited barren desert, this land was not given to the new immigrants so that they could make a decent life for themselves. The government of Pakistan saw it fit to keep its citizens in tents where many of them still live. The children of slum dwellers have a very different perspective to life. The Palestinians who grew up in tents also have a very different perspective on life.
During the successive military dictatorship the army controlled all the resources and tried its best to develop Kala Shah Kakoo, and other areas. The companies owned by those folks or the government went bankrupt, like the steel industry went bankrupt (except for Ittifaq foundry which survived by destroying the largest ship breaking industry of the world in Gidiani Beach )

In spite of the scores of impediments laid out by the federal government, and in spite of the inefficiency of the government institutions, Karachi prospered. As Karachi, the heart of Pakistan prospered, the entire country prospered.

Karachi grew on “Laissez-Faire-capitalism” and Karachi was an equal opportunity employer. How was wealth created in Karachi?

THE CREATION OF KNOWLEDGE ACCELERATES THE CREATION OF WEALTH
If we trace the accumulation of wealth in urban areas we realize that educational institutions are a very important factor in the standard of living of geographic regions. In the United States, the wealthiest states
are California and New York. Many intellectuals regard the Ivy League and the California educational system as the main engine behind the phenomenal growth of these states. Many of the California industries were actually laboratory experiments funded by research grants. As the experiments became economically viable, they spawned factories, indeed entire industries. The computer industry is one small example of an experiment that started in the laboratory. In South India educational institutions in Gujrat are creating wealth to the tune of two Billion Dollars per annum by exporting their brain-power as computer programmers. Political instability is one great inhibiting factor that can stifle the opportunities that
education can offer. Sri Lank and the Philippines are prime example of literate population that have not achieved their true potential. Sri Lanka has unique geo-political probelms that hinders its growth, but in spite of its ethnic strife, it has eradicated hunger and mal-nutirition, vices that plague the rest of the subcontinent. Philippines now is well on its way to becoming a member of the ASEAN tigers and cubs. The importance of education was recognized early by the Pakistanis who made Karachi their home.

Peter Drucker in his book “Post Capitalist Society” talks about wealth creation by using KNOWLEDGE BASED EMPLOYEES. Wealth was created in Urban Sindh in Pakistan NOT through Federal dole, but rather by CREATIVE use of knowledge.

Schools were started in make shift camps. Slowly, as the people converted their tents into “pakki-colonies” brick buildings, the schools and the knowledge went with them. The poor people of Karachi pooled their own
resources and created PRIVATE schools, a novel idea in the socialistic era when the state was supposed to control all means of production and indoctrination. A lack of resources did not inhibit the spirit of the new
immigrants. Even today Karachi uses its school buildings for second shift and sometimes third shift classes.
Continuing the practice established by Buj Pers, in creating Dayamram Jethmal Science College, and NED, Dawood and others established new centers of excellence and continued to build on the old ones to create and disseminate knowledge. Excellence in education was the motto of the founders. Private schools, colleges, and universities in Karachi grew out of the philanthropy of the newly rich. The Federal Government continued to divert funds to other institutions where they were misused or never used at all. Grants to QAU and KU resemble the ratio 1 to 19. QAU is languishing from misuse while a small town University, Karachi University has propelled political and economic leadership to the world stage.

This is what Comptons Encyclopedia says about Karachi University:

“Karachi has a public school system, but there are many private schools, some of which are associated with religious denominations such as Christianity, Zoroastrianism, and Islam. The University of Karachi (1951), located about 7 miles (11 kilometers) from the city, is the main educational institution. It has more than 20 graduate departments in arts and sciences as well as a school of business administration. In addition the city has colleges of medicine, engineering, home economics, and numerous polytechnic institutes”.

“Some buildings built after independence in 1947 follow contemporary Western design, while others incorporate features of traditional Muslim architecture. Frere Hall, built in 1865, now houses the National Museum and Liaquat Memorial Library. Other libraries are the Karachi University Library and the National Archives Library. The Town Hall, built of red sandstone, is now the seat of city government. Memon Masjid (1960), also on Bundar Road, is a red sandstone mosque that is typical of Muslim architecture, with friezes and screens patterned in intricate mosaic designs.”

A city is known by its libraries. Karachi boasts many many book stores and libraries. The Liaqat Memorial Library was started in a small shack and is today Pakistans largest and perhaps ONLY library that can be compared to other libraries of the world. Wealth in Karachi was created by cleverly using the newly educated masses and creatively marketing products through out Pakistan and abroad. Karachi and the Pakistanis have the highest number of doctors and lawyers per capita of any group in Pakistan (source THE
HERALD). Michael Porter has written an excellent book ” The competitive Advantage of Nations” in which he describes factors that lead to the industrialization of areas and nations. Porter gives concrete reasons on
why some areas do not develop while others take off. The book discusses the concept of clustering, of how in various countries of the world, a group of industries develop and THRIVE. Porter also discusses reasons on WHY some areas do not take advantage of their resources. The concept of “clustering” and inter-dependence was well understood by the new Pakistani entrepreneurs. Wealth was created in Karachi by one, two, and then a dozen, and then a hundred, and then a thousand individuals who ACCUMULATED capital (by sharing resources) and then wisely using the capital. In the classical Porter model a small group of talented and motivated entrepreneurs recognize a need begin a trade. After being successful they create
employment for others. Cottage industries cropped up and begin supporting small factories. These small factories begin feeding larger factories.

Entire industries were spawned in the vicinity of the mother factory. Competition breeds better quality and improves the quality of life of the inhabitants. Karachi was the subcontinental test case study of the
Clustering Factor One visit to the Panama Center will show even the casual visitor on how wealth is being created even today. The poor brothers get together and buy an old leather sewing machine on a loan. They sell leather jackets, and sell them abroad. Then they pay off the machine. Pretty soon each brother has his own shop and his own machine. These little tailor-shops transform themselves into factories, and they become big exporters. This is what happened in Zainab Market, and Tariq Road and Saddar, and SITE
(one of the largest industrial complexes in the subcontinent and the largest in Pakistan) …. HUNDREDS of miles of factories built by Karachiites for Pakistan and for the well being of the families of the builders. How did Adamjee become rich? How did Edhi build a multi-million Dollar welfare system in Pakistan? How did Dawood create wealth? Their case studies are rags to riches parables of Pakistan. Did Adamjee manipulate
funds from the interior of Sindh?. Did they take advantage of the military industrial complex in Pakistan? Did they build defense colonies and become rich? Were these rich Pakistanis part of the elite funded by the Federal government? The answer to all of the above questions is an obvious no.

These Urban Sindhi Pakistanis showed EXTRA ORDINARY entrepreneurial skills to save and use capital to their advantage. This skill is used by Korean Americans who also share their resources to generate capital and then invest it.

A case study of why a Muhajir called Edhi was successful. Edhi created the largest welfare and first aid system in Asia was successful, while the Jamaat-e-Islami with all its workers and state support was not able to create a first aid system in Pakistan. Edhi was and is an equal opportunity employer where as the JI participated in a policy of exclusion. The reasons were that the educated and hard working people of
urban Sindh supported Edhi and he in turn spread his enterprise and help throughout Pakistan. Karachi was the role model not only for the rest of Pakistan but for Asia.

Karachi was linked to all business of Pakistan. As Karachi grew, she became a magnet for all the other Pakistanis. Punjabis from Chinote came and took advantage of the opportunities. The Memons from Bombay, and the Agha Khanis from areas in India partnered with the Parsis of Iran and the Punjabis of Sargodha to make money. The Saigols, the Habibullahs, the Manshahs, the Mazaris, the Zardaris, the Bhuttos, the Munnoos, all were welcomed to Karachi to make a Rupees. Singapore is so successful because
the Chinese for all over Southeast Asia support the Singapore economy.

Similarly the Muslims from all over the subcontinent supported Karachi. The business acumen of the Muslims of the subcontinent was put to a test and they came forth with flying colors. Multi-million Dollar deals were made on the phone and carried on “the word”- the oldest credit system on the planet. The 22 families and hundreds of other families worked the capitalists system and made money for themselves for Urban Sindh and for Pakistan. A healthy consumer markets were developed. The Balauchi carpet
weavers came to Karachi and began making some of the best carpets in the world. The Pakistanis welcomed the Balauchis by allowing them credit and helping them set up shops. The handi-craftsmen of Kashmir came and began exporting Pakistani handicrafts to Europe and the United States. The Pakistanis welcomed the Kashmiris and showed them the ropes of international trade. The Pathans came and took over the transportation industry. The Pakistanis of Urban Sindh welcomed and indeed encouraged the Pathans in
obtaining a monopoly over the urban transportation system. This is what Comptons Encyclopedia says about Karachi:

“The chief industries are textiles, footwear, metal products, food and beverages, furniture, machinery, and chemicals. The city is an important center for handicrafts and cottage industries that produce handloomed cloth, lace, and carpets; articles made of brass and bell metal (an alloy
of copper and tin); and pottery, leather goods, and gold and silver embroidery. Large industrial areas have developed on the western margin of the city. Several oil refineries are nearby, and there is a pipeline to
Multan. Karachi handles most of Pakistan’s seaborne trade. In the mid-1980s another deep-sea port opened at Qasim, which is 26 miles (42 kilometers) east of Karachi.” As Karachi grew it took Hyderabad and Sukkur and Nawabshah with it. Little towns like Mirpurkhas took off also. Sindhis from the interior of Sindh
litrally came to the towns to look at the lights. They came and were welcomed. They found jobs and got educated and found better jobs. The wealth began to flow to Larakana and other towns too. As Urban Sindh grew the wealth began getting transplanted to Multan and the Saraiki belt in Southern Punjab. The wealth of Karachi was an importatn factor in developing the insecure Sindhi intelligencia that clinged to Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto and demanded special rights and privilages for their growing ranks. 5000 years ago the Indus Valley Civilization existed on the banks of the Indus. In the times gone by in Europe all roads led to Rome. Today
Pakistani town exist on the sides of a roadway that is coming out of Karachi. It is an anthropologists monograph to study the development of Pakistan on the banks of the Pakistans main artery-the two laned road that extends from Karachi through Hydrabad, through Sukkur through Multan through Jhelum, Lahore, Rawalpindi to Peshawar. The Karachi-Peshawar road attracted villagers to come and sell their wares on the well traveled road. Rural Punjab was linked by the Grand Trunk Road, and towns in the

Punjab began growing along the GT Road. Gujrat, Gujranwala, Jhelum were but truck stops on the way to Karachi. These peanut and sugar cane stands grew into tikka-kabab shops and have since then grown into over grown villages. Even today the economy of these town depends on the traffic flowing through them. In 1947 Pakistan had no bank. Muslims were never part of the financial world in the subcontinent. Habib recognized the need and set up a Pakistani bank in Karachi. Instead of building monument to Habib we ignore his outstanding achievements. He is not even mentioned in Pakistani history books. As Karachi grew the Pakistani banking system became sound.

As Habib Bank grew it began providing services all over Pakistan. Agha Hasan Abidi an immigrant from Lucknow (the cultural center of the subcontinent) used his knowledge to set up another bank and he called in UBL. The United Bank began providing competition, and branches began sprouting in little villages and in fields. Small farmers in Sarhad and Balauchistan now had access to capital that could be used to buy farm
equipment, and perhaps compete with East Punjab. Buses and taxis that made profits in Karachi now could also run in Nowshera and Quetta and Faisalabad . As Karachi expanded Karachites began flying to Europe. The national airlines expanded, and began competing with the Indian Airlines. Pakistani organizations began having offices in all of Pakistan and even overseas.
Habib Bank opened offices in New York and London. Pakistan restaurants like Shezan now had the funding to open stores in New York. All this activity began attracting foreign multi-national to Pakistan who saw the
fertile grounds of Karachi as opportunities to make profits. Hundreds flocked to Karachi. Due to the ingenuity of her citizens, Karachi became THE industrial center of Pakistan. 60% of Pakistans industry was spawned by the Pakistanis, the sons and daughters who made Karachi their city home of choice. Hundreds of miles of factories were established on parched desert land on an area misnamed the Sindh Industrial Trading Estate (SITE) Karachi began paying 70% of the taxes to the national exchequer. >From scratch, the Pakistanis of Karachi created a plethora of industrial machines that satisfied the consumer demands of the city, province and the young nation. Urban Sindhi Muhajir focused on “clustering” and this had a
definite ripple effect on the rest of Pakistan– the Fan industry in Wazirabad, The Textile industry in Faisalabad, the sports good industry in Sialkot all took advantage of the credit available from Karachi. The
industries in the interior of the Punjab could now count on the profits generated by selling their products in the new Karachi middle class that could now afford to buy consumer goods.

Most of Pakistani consumers are the Pakistanis and they reside in Urban Sindh. Today the survival of small Punjabi craftsmen, —the worker in the fan factories of Wazirabad, the carpenter in the sports factories of
Sialkot, and the farmer in interior Sindh is tied in to the consumer in Urban Sindh. The growth of industries and agriculture of Sialkot, Wazirabad, Larkana, Mirpur, and Faisalabad is totally dependent on the
affluent consumers of Urban Sindh. During a short span of three decades, the entrepreneurs of the city of
Karachi (the Adamjees, the Dawoods, the Habibs, and the Agha Hasan Abidis) had transformed a sleepy desert town of Karachi into an international port, a cosmopolitan mecca, the industrial capital of the Western wing of the nation and the nerve center of Pakistan. Karachi not only metamorphacized itself into the heart of Pakistan, it became the city of lights, it became Darul-Islam and began competing with Bombay and had visions of grandeur, comparing itself to the prosperity of Singapore.

“Zeeshan Sahil, an Urdu poet once wrote of our city, our home, ‘It is a lie that in Karachi, after the rain, the sprouting grass doesn’t have blades deep green and soft. Or that the trees do not give shade without the help of clouds… With us in Karachi live birds who fly from trees through the sound of bullets and bombs; perch on walls; always they gather somewhere to pray. Our books don’t wait inside cupboards for termites. Now our hearts swim these seas where once our eyes searched for golden flowers and our hands tear down the walls that once buried us alive’. This, like the calling of Sahil’s birds, is a prayer for us and for our city, our home. Let us await the day that our hands tear down those walls, it won’t be long. 139 Jackson Ave, Edison, NJ

……to be continued……

Pakistan Historian

November 21, 2008

The Pakistani Rupee: Origins and history

History of Urdu

Assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan & Declassified CIA documents

1940 Punjab: Sir Chottu Ram’s Bloody march

November 14, 2008

History of Karachi: Heart of Pakistan on crossraods of cvilizations

HISTORY OF PAKISTAN MOVEMENT

HISTORY OF PAKISTAN

PAKISTANI HISTORIAN RECENT POSTS

ANCIENT PRE-HISTORY: TRADE ROUTES BETWEEN CHINA AND PAKISTAN

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JUNAGARH AND MANVADAR

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